The fascist methods and violent suppression of the Baath regime have again become the way the Iraqi authority uses to answers the demands of workers in Iraq.
While thousands of workers of Textile Industry in the Iraqi city of Kut have been asking for their danger allowances which are trivial and not in proportion with the real risk they face at work due to poor safety standards, the administration resorted to procrastination, lying and threatened to sack and imprison the workers and eliminate their activist.
The workers were asking for 12000 dinars (Iraqi currency) as danger money but the administration was trying to reduce this amount even further.
The workers organized a protest against these measures and asked the manager to be sacked who was the key person behind the administration’s misconduct. The manager in cooperation with governor of the city called upon armed groups to suppress the protest. Groups of armed and masked men, allegedly from the National Guards raided the place and started shooting on unarmed workers wounding four workers and then arresting another 11 workers who were later release after interrogations.
Such incidents happen while the Ministry of Industry bans workers from establishing labour organization and the Minister of Industry issues resolution, which bans union activity.
Instead of bringing the manager Mr. Abdulla Alrawi to justice he was transferred to the ministry’s headquarter. By banning union rights in Iraq, the ministry and the current authority bring in the fascist methods of suppression and denying people’s freedoms used by the old regime while their rhetoric about democracy and election deafens people’s ears.
We call on labour organizations and human right organizations worldwide to support the workers of Iraq and support their organization- the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq, which is considered by the authority illegitimate and unlawful organization and threatens to imprison its activists.
The response of workers to this suppression will be broadening the protest to impose their demands on the puppet authority appointed by the occupation.
The Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq stands in the forefront of workers’ struggle for their fair demands.
It calls on workers to broaden and escalate their protest against the authorities, which understand no other languages.
Long live workers’ protest movement
Long live freedom
Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq
December 25,2004
Wednesday, December 29
Mini strikewave hits Iraq (from FWCUI)
The workers in many branches of industries organized a series of strikes in many cities in Iraq
1- In the company of textile of Kut (180 Km southern of Baghdad) the workers organized a Strike Action. The administration and the governor called armed forces to attack the workers. 4 workers had been injured as a result for that attack
We condemn this brutal action of the administration of this Company
2- The workers the (7-UP) factory had held strike calling for their demands they call for increase their wages and improve the work conditions
3- The workers in electricity in Naserya (370 Km southern of Baghdad) have held a strike calling for their wages to be increased and to improve the electric energy to the people of the city. The strikes continue till now today
4- The workers in Basra Electricity Company, threatened to strike for one hour and to shut down the system, unless the administration agree to accept their demands, which are: increase their salaries to Thirty percent, and improve the working conditions
Federation of workers councils and unions in Iraq-FWCUI
26/12/2004
1- In the company of textile of Kut (180 Km southern of Baghdad) the workers organized a Strike Action. The administration and the governor called armed forces to attack the workers. 4 workers had been injured as a result for that attack
We condemn this brutal action of the administration of this Company
2- The workers the (7-UP) factory had held strike calling for their demands they call for increase their wages and improve the work conditions
3- The workers in electricity in Naserya (370 Km southern of Baghdad) have held a strike calling for their wages to be increased and to improve the electric energy to the people of the city. The strikes continue till now today
4- The workers in Basra Electricity Company, threatened to strike for one hour and to shut down the system, unless the administration agree to accept their demands, which are: increase their salaries to Thirty percent, and improve the working conditions
Federation of workers councils and unions in Iraq-FWCUI
26/12/2004
Workers of Soft Drinks in Baghdad start a strike
The Workers of soft drinks in Baghdad started a strike, which halted all lines of production. The workers ask for their unpaid allowances and for a wage rise in proportion with the sharp increase in the prices especially in petrol prices, which makes the living condition of working families very difficult.
The representative of the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq stands in the forefront with striking workers and regards this strike a step forward to achieve the demands presented by the FWCUI to improve the living and working conditions of workers, and force the authority to raise wage rate and dispense workers allowances.
We call workers of all other sectors including industrial and social service sectors to support workers of soft drinks in their strike and to broaden the protest to impose their demands on the authority.
This brave stand by the workers of soft drinks in Baghdad prove for people in Iraq and worldwide that the Iraqi Working class is a social pole independent of the puppet authority and have no illusion in the propaganda of employers and the government about developing the industry and social services and so on. They have proved they are an independent front in resistance against the occupation and its puppet authority.
Broadening the struggle is the only guarantee to achieve the urgent demands of workers in Iraq.
Long live Worker’s struggle for reforms
Long live Workers’ willpower
Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq
The representative of the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq stands in the forefront with striking workers and regards this strike a step forward to achieve the demands presented by the FWCUI to improve the living and working conditions of workers, and force the authority to raise wage rate and dispense workers allowances.
We call workers of all other sectors including industrial and social service sectors to support workers of soft drinks in their strike and to broaden the protest to impose their demands on the authority.
This brave stand by the workers of soft drinks in Baghdad prove for people in Iraq and worldwide that the Iraqi Working class is a social pole independent of the puppet authority and have no illusion in the propaganda of employers and the government about developing the industry and social services and so on. They have proved they are an independent front in resistance against the occupation and its puppet authority.
Broadening the struggle is the only guarantee to achieve the urgent demands of workers in Iraq.
Long live Worker’s struggle for reforms
Long live Workers’ willpower
Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq
Workers of Power Station in Nasiryiah Begin a Strike
Workers of many sectors of industry and social service in Iraq launch protests these days demanding improvement in their living conditions.
After the protests by workers of Soft Drinks, Textile and Electricity, the workers of power station in Nasiyriah, the largest power station in the country, started a strike demanding improvement in their living and working condition. They also ask to improve the performance of the station as the residents of this city suffer from sever shortage in electricity.
The protest of workers to improve their living and working conditions will continue and all oppressive resolutions in force can not put an end to it.
The working class has practically proved its capacity to challenge the resolutions, which deny workers the right to strike and hold gatherings and consider workers in public sector public servants. These resolutions were passed by the Baath regime and are today used by current administration whenever the daily struggle by working class intensifies.
By asking for their unpaid allowances the workers of electricity in Nasiyriah put the authority before its responsibilities and force it to meet their demands.
The Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions stand in the forefront of the protest movement by workers and regards the strike by workers of Nasiryiah power station and their demands the continuation of the demands presented by the FWCUI.
The draft of labour law proposed by the FWCUI is the right answer to workers’ demands and by struggling to implement it; workers can impose their objectives on the current authorities.
Long live the daily struggle of workers
Long live Freedom
Long live workers’ willpower
Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq
22.12.2004
After the protests by workers of Soft Drinks, Textile and Electricity, the workers of power station in Nasiyriah, the largest power station in the country, started a strike demanding improvement in their living and working condition. They also ask to improve the performance of the station as the residents of this city suffer from sever shortage in electricity.
The protest of workers to improve their living and working conditions will continue and all oppressive resolutions in force can not put an end to it.
The working class has practically proved its capacity to challenge the resolutions, which deny workers the right to strike and hold gatherings and consider workers in public sector public servants. These resolutions were passed by the Baath regime and are today used by current administration whenever the daily struggle by working class intensifies.
By asking for their unpaid allowances the workers of electricity in Nasiyriah put the authority before its responsibilities and force it to meet their demands.
The Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions stand in the forefront of the protest movement by workers and regards the strike by workers of Nasiryiah power station and their demands the continuation of the demands presented by the FWCUI.
The draft of labour law proposed by the FWCUI is the right answer to workers’ demands and by struggling to implement it; workers can impose their objectives on the current authorities.
Long live the daily struggle of workers
Long live Freedom
Long live workers’ willpower
Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq
22.12.2004
Monday, December 27
Demonstrations against Iraqi elections (orgainised by WCPI)
The election is a puppet show to legitimatize the U.S policy in Iraq.
The election under the occupation of the U.S and under the auspices of the Islamists, and chauvinists militias has no legitimacy and does not represent free, and conscious voices of people in determining the type of government in Iraq and the future of such government.
The Worker-communist Party of Iraq- Britain organisation will be organizing series of demonstrations, rallies, and various activities in London and other cities in order to avert the reactionary alternatives of Islamic nationalist forces, the stooges of the U.S, which are the causes of insecurity, terror, and explosions. Let’s together stop this scenario. Bringing back civility to the society, pulling the U.S troops out of Iraq, and running the society by the people themselves to establish their coveted state, and to hold referendum prior to election for independence of Kurdistan, are the present demands of people of Iraq.
The election does not contain any free election provisions. It is a puppet show to legitimatize the U.S policy in Iraq, and the future Islamic nationalist government approved by the U.S.
The coming election tramples on the demands of liberating from the occupation of the U.S, and the demands of freedom, security, and secular government.
The election denies the right of people of Kurdistan to hold a free referendum. The election will lead to reluctant annexation of Kurdistan to the central government of Iraq.
Join us in these protest actions against the process of the so-called election. Come on to raise voice of freedom loving people of Iraq and Kurdistan against the farce of election, and to strengthen, and glorify these activities.
-Monday: 27/12/2004. Time: 5 PM.
Venue: Edgware Road (nearest tube station: Marble Arch on the Central Line).
Book stall and other activities will be organized until the end of January.
-Demonstrations against the election in front of Iraqi Consulate in London.
Date: 28/12/2004. Time: 12:00 to 15:00.
Venue: nearest tube station is Nights Bridge on the Piccadilly Line.
Worker- communist Party of Iraq- Britain Organisation.
For further information please contact Dashty Jamal on 07734704742 or Muhsin Karim on 07835074608.
www.wpiraq.net
The election under the occupation of the U.S and under the auspices of the Islamists, and chauvinists militias has no legitimacy and does not represent free, and conscious voices of people in determining the type of government in Iraq and the future of such government.
The Worker-communist Party of Iraq- Britain organisation will be organizing series of demonstrations, rallies, and various activities in London and other cities in order to avert the reactionary alternatives of Islamic nationalist forces, the stooges of the U.S, which are the causes of insecurity, terror, and explosions. Let’s together stop this scenario. Bringing back civility to the society, pulling the U.S troops out of Iraq, and running the society by the people themselves to establish their coveted state, and to hold referendum prior to election for independence of Kurdistan, are the present demands of people of Iraq.
The election does not contain any free election provisions. It is a puppet show to legitimatize the U.S policy in Iraq, and the future Islamic nationalist government approved by the U.S.
The coming election tramples on the demands of liberating from the occupation of the U.S, and the demands of freedom, security, and secular government.
The election denies the right of people of Kurdistan to hold a free referendum. The election will lead to reluctant annexation of Kurdistan to the central government of Iraq.
Join us in these protest actions against the process of the so-called election. Come on to raise voice of freedom loving people of Iraq and Kurdistan against the farce of election, and to strengthen, and glorify these activities.
-Monday: 27/12/2004. Time: 5 PM.
Venue: Edgware Road (nearest tube station: Marble Arch on the Central Line).
Book stall and other activities will be organized until the end of January.
-Demonstrations against the election in front of Iraqi Consulate in London.
Date: 28/12/2004. Time: 12:00 to 15:00.
Venue: nearest tube station is Nights Bridge on the Piccadilly Line.
Worker- communist Party of Iraq- Britain Organisation.
For further information please contact Dashty Jamal on 07734704742 or Muhsin Karim on 07835074608.
www.wpiraq.net
Sunday, December 26
Second Report from Basra Workers' Conference
On 26.November 2004 under the slogan the power of working class is in its unity and organisation und with participation of 350 workers who represented 42 preparatory committees for establishment of trade unions in different industrial and public sectors ,the first open conference of workers in Basra was organised. Many solidarity letters were sent to the conference from the following Organisations; Union of Education workers in France , International Lasion Committee in France, Solidarité Irak France, Union of Steel Workers in Australia, the union of Harbour workers in Australia, the National Assembly for peace and democracy in Japan( Zenko) , Marxist Comrade Group in Japan, the Confederation of Korean Trade Union in South Korea, the Union of Railway workers in Japan, Central organisation of trade union in Kenya COTU-K , No Sweat Campaign in UK, Unemployed Workers Centre of TUC from Bringhton und Hove in UK, Freedom socialist Party in USA, also delegations from organisations of civil society in Iraq ,delegations of Trade Unions from Suleimania, Erbil and Bgahdad ,University teachers, among the delegates were Nadia Mahmoud, member of political Bureau of WCPI and president of Middle East Centre for Women rights, Yanar Mohammad , president of OWFI, Falah Alwan , president of FWCUI, Qasim Hadi , general secretary of UUI ,Dr. Riyau Asadi, president of the Centre to defend freedom of ideas, Dr. Namir Nazir Alkayat from college of Literature, Abduljabar Kazim , president of Prosecutors Office in Basra, Muhamd Inwan, Judicial Assistant, Harth Alwazan , Judicial Assistant , Abdulla Al- Maliki, the famous Unionist of Sothern Oil Company -SOC and prominent figure Hasan Al Khafaji.
Falah Alwan, president of FWCUI presented a lecture about the freedom of trade unions, Adul karim Al Sada presented a research about the unity of the working class and
Ali Abas presented an assessment about the realities and current situation of the labour movement in Basra.
Qasim Hadi, general secretary of UUI made a speech about the unemployment in Iraq after wars and under the occupation, Yanar Mohamad, gave a speech who stressed the support of progressive women movement and organisation of Women Freedom in Iraq to the workers in Basra and this conference. Nadia Mahmoud, member of the political Bureau of the Worker Communist Party of Iraq gave a speech and she said that millions of workers worldwide following the events of this conference which was held in a historical moment where the occupying forces and political Islam confronting each other in a terrorist conflict in Iraq which is the reason of tens of daily causalities of civilian people in Iraq .She also explained the importance of international solidarity with labour movement in Iraq. Mrs. Samira Hassan representative of the Association to Defend Homeless Families-Basra expressed in her speech that FWCUI and the Association to Defend Homeless Families were established to lead the protests for Freedom and Prosperity.
Before the conclusion of the conference, the elections of leading committee concluded with 19 candidates to elect 8 members and 4 substitute Members of FWCUI branch office in Basra .The elections carried out in democratic and transparent way in which two ladies got the most votes who are Mrs. Kifah Hassan Ibrahim from the petrochemical company and Mrs. Khlud Mahdi .Their election promoted the participants and they all welcome the female unionists and expressed their great consideration for the position of Iraqi women .
The names of the leadership members of FWCUI in their first meeting on 30.November 2004 are as following:
1. Ali Abas Khafif , president of the branch office of FWCUI in Basra
2. Abdulkarim Abdulsada, primary Vice President
3. Ali Ziyara Ubaid, secondary Vice president
4. Sami Hassan Musa, Secretary of FWCUI
5. Relationship Committee: Auda Abdulnabi Zabun in charge of this committee and with memberships of:
A- Khlud Mahdi,
B- Kifah Hassan Ibrahim
C- Muhamad ZAki
D- Abdulkarim Farhan.
6. Supervision Committee: Fisal Kasim in charge for this committee and memberships of;
A-Raid Mahmud Kazm,
B-Akil Mustafa,
C- Haidar Abdulla Muslim
7. Publication committee from Basim Khalil Ibrahim in charge for this committee and Ismail Hussein as a member
8. Admin committee:
A-Fahkir Tryak,
B-Karim Juji,
C- Maih Jamil
9. Juristic committee from Nasir Talib in charge of this committee, and Ahmad Mujhar as a member
10. Finance committee: Adnan Hanun
Long live the Unity of Working class
Forward to end the occupation of Iraq
FWCUI
1.12.2004
Falah Alwan, president of FWCUI presented a lecture about the freedom of trade unions, Adul karim Al Sada presented a research about the unity of the working class and
Ali Abas presented an assessment about the realities and current situation of the labour movement in Basra.
Qasim Hadi, general secretary of UUI made a speech about the unemployment in Iraq after wars and under the occupation, Yanar Mohamad, gave a speech who stressed the support of progressive women movement and organisation of Women Freedom in Iraq to the workers in Basra and this conference. Nadia Mahmoud, member of the political Bureau of the Worker Communist Party of Iraq gave a speech and she said that millions of workers worldwide following the events of this conference which was held in a historical moment where the occupying forces and political Islam confronting each other in a terrorist conflict in Iraq which is the reason of tens of daily causalities of civilian people in Iraq .She also explained the importance of international solidarity with labour movement in Iraq. Mrs. Samira Hassan representative of the Association to Defend Homeless Families-Basra expressed in her speech that FWCUI and the Association to Defend Homeless Families were established to lead the protests for Freedom and Prosperity.
Before the conclusion of the conference, the elections of leading committee concluded with 19 candidates to elect 8 members and 4 substitute Members of FWCUI branch office in Basra .The elections carried out in democratic and transparent way in which two ladies got the most votes who are Mrs. Kifah Hassan Ibrahim from the petrochemical company and Mrs. Khlud Mahdi .Their election promoted the participants and they all welcome the female unionists and expressed their great consideration for the position of Iraqi women .
The names of the leadership members of FWCUI in their first meeting on 30.November 2004 are as following:
1. Ali Abas Khafif , president of the branch office of FWCUI in Basra
2. Abdulkarim Abdulsada, primary Vice President
3. Ali Ziyara Ubaid, secondary Vice president
4. Sami Hassan Musa, Secretary of FWCUI
5. Relationship Committee: Auda Abdulnabi Zabun in charge of this committee and with memberships of:
A- Khlud Mahdi,
B- Kifah Hassan Ibrahim
C- Muhamad ZAki
D- Abdulkarim Farhan.
6. Supervision Committee: Fisal Kasim in charge for this committee and memberships of;
A-Raid Mahmud Kazm,
B-Akil Mustafa,
C- Haidar Abdulla Muslim
7. Publication committee from Basim Khalil Ibrahim in charge for this committee and Ismail Hussein as a member
8. Admin committee:
A-Fahkir Tryak,
B-Karim Juji,
C- Maih Jamil
9. Juristic committee from Nasir Talib in charge of this committee, and Ahmad Mujhar as a member
10. Finance committee: Adnan Hanun
Long live the Unity of Working class
Forward to end the occupation of Iraq
FWCUI
1.12.2004
Friday, December 24
Urgent Global Labour Alert, IFTU Official in Danger (appeal from Labour Friends of Iraq)
We are appealing to the international labour movement to help avert the assassination of a trade union leader, 40 year old Nozad Ismail who is the President of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions in Kirkuk.
Nozad has already survived two assassination attempts this year at the hands of the so-called 'resistance'. He receives daily death threats.
The only weapon we have to help Nozad is publicity. We aim to make the cost of murdering him too high by publicising his case and demanding the resistance stop intimidating him and threatening his life.
There is no single authority upon which we can place demands or focus pressure. The people who wish to kill Nozad don't organise openly. This appeal is, therefore, different from cases where someone has been imprisoned but is no less urgent.
What you can do:
Pass this motion in your party or union branch and tell the local newspapers.
This (union branch/party branch/CLP) notes that Nozad Ismail, the President of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions in Kirkuk has twice survived assassination attempts by the so-called resistance and is subject to daily death threats. We call upon the international labour movement to extend solidarity to Nozad in the hope that these acts of solidarity and resulting publicity may make the cost of murdering him too high. We believe that increased solidarity with Iraqi democrats like Nozad will also contribute to the success of the forthcoming elections which can secure a sovereign and democratic Iraqi government, which can best tackle the so-called resistance, from which these threats emanate.
Tell us that you support this initiative – email us - and we will collate the lists and use it to focus maximum international attention. We will pass all motions and expressions of support to Nozad
Labour Friends of Iraq - www.labourfriendsofiraq.org.uk, info@labourfriendsofiraq.org.uk
Nozad has already survived two assassination attempts this year at the hands of the so-called 'resistance'. He receives daily death threats.
The only weapon we have to help Nozad is publicity. We aim to make the cost of murdering him too high by publicising his case and demanding the resistance stop intimidating him and threatening his life.
There is no single authority upon which we can place demands or focus pressure. The people who wish to kill Nozad don't organise openly. This appeal is, therefore, different from cases where someone has been imprisoned but is no less urgent.
What you can do:
Pass this motion in your party or union branch and tell the local newspapers.
This (union branch/party branch/CLP) notes that Nozad Ismail, the President of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions in Kirkuk has twice survived assassination attempts by the so-called resistance and is subject to daily death threats. We call upon the international labour movement to extend solidarity to Nozad in the hope that these acts of solidarity and resulting publicity may make the cost of murdering him too high. We believe that increased solidarity with Iraqi democrats like Nozad will also contribute to the success of the forthcoming elections which can secure a sovereign and democratic Iraqi government, which can best tackle the so-called resistance, from which these threats emanate.
Tell us that you support this initiative – email us - and we will collate the lists and use it to focus maximum international attention. We will pass all motions and expressions of support to Nozad
Labour Friends of Iraq - www.labourfriendsofiraq.org.uk, info@labourfriendsofiraq.org.uk
Protests and strikes of the Workers in the Electricity Power Station in Nassiriya city
The workers in the electricity power station in Nassirya which is regarded one of the biggest electricity production stations in southern part of Iraq, organised a strike for three days against the policies implemented by the administration in this electricity station. The workers declared their strike against the policies of the administration which were announced by workers as dictatorial und bureaucratic policies against workers there and they accused the administration for corruption and criticised their attitude toward the workers despite the extraordinary working force invested by workers to supply Iraqi cities with Electricity. The Union of Electricity workers in the Power station published a press release announcing that, until their demands been responded positively by the administration , they will continue their strike and they warned the administration to give up from treating workers according to reactionary and anti-workers policies of Baath regime .The Announcement also demanded to offer the city of Nassiriya a fix amount of electricity in order to keep security and the interests of people of this city .The administration threatened to crack down this strike action and to use security forces.
We in FWCUI support your strike action and all your demands with all political means and we appeal to the workers to join your Federation, federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq. This progressive step of workers in Nassriya proves that the power of working class is in its organisation and unity. We appreciate this step of workers in Nassriya to improve living condition and to step forward for a progressive and modern labour law in Iraq.
In Solidarity
FWCUI
22.12.2004
We in FWCUI support your strike action and all your demands with all political means and we appeal to the workers to join your Federation, federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq. This progressive step of workers in Nassriya proves that the power of working class is in its organisation and unity. We appreciate this step of workers in Nassriya to improve living condition and to step forward for a progressive and modern labour law in Iraq.
In Solidarity
FWCUI
22.12.2004
Wednesday, December 22
Interview: President of the Iraqi Agricultural Workers' Union
The following interview with Abdul Aalye Awlawe Al Rekeabye, President of the Agricultural Workers Union was conducted at the recent Conference of Iraqi trade unions organised by the ICFTU in Amman, Jordan to discuss the application of ILO Conventions in Iraq and the development of a labour code for the Iraqi constitution.
Abdullah Muhsin: Tell us something about your union. When was it established? How were you elected as President and what have you achieved since your election?
Abdul Aalye Awlawe Al Rekeabye: On 5th June 2004 a conference was held at the Ministry of Agriculture offices in Baghdad. 119 delegates representing 28 workplace union committees attended the Conference. The delegates all came from Baghdad. 24 individuals put themselves forward for election to an Executive Committee and 15, including myself, were elected. I was then elected President at the first meeting of the Executive Committee.
We have warm comradeship with all regional union committees, such as those in Al Umara and Dyala kut al Basra.
We organised a strike on 4th and 5th September 2004 at the A1 Kandy Company, demanding a pay increase. All the 170 workers at the company took part in the action and after two days we won a minimum wage agreement for unskilled workers and an increase in the monthly rate from 30, 000 to 70, 000 dinars.
We have organised several seminars on trade union rights. We campaigned for reinstatement and compensation for workers who were sacked for their political views by the old regime. Our union has succeeded in obtaining the reinstatement of many workers.
We are affiliated to the IFTU and consider our union as one of the main pillars of the federation – we were at the conference that established the IFTU on 16 May 2003.
We are presently campaigning for a labour code in line with ILO principles on rights at work, and demanding the repeal of Saddam’s 1987 anti-union law, which is still in place.
At our conference on 5th June 2004, it was agreed to form a Food Staff Workers Union, as a separate section of the Agricultural Union. The new Food Staff Union has already achieved success in wage struggles, notably in the Baghdad Tobacco factory. It has also prevented the forced transfer of one of its officials from one company to another: the state management backed down in the face of a threatened strike. The union now has branches organising in the following sectors: Food Oil, Tobacco,
Sweets, Yoghurt, Food Products and Soft Drinks
Abdullah Muhsin: Tell us something about your union. When was it established? How were you elected as President and what have you achieved since your election?
Abdul Aalye Awlawe Al Rekeabye: On 5th June 2004 a conference was held at the Ministry of Agriculture offices in Baghdad. 119 delegates representing 28 workplace union committees attended the Conference. The delegates all came from Baghdad. 24 individuals put themselves forward for election to an Executive Committee and 15, including myself, were elected. I was then elected President at the first meeting of the Executive Committee.
We have warm comradeship with all regional union committees, such as those in Al Umara and Dyala kut al Basra.
We organised a strike on 4th and 5th September 2004 at the A1 Kandy Company, demanding a pay increase. All the 170 workers at the company took part in the action and after two days we won a minimum wage agreement for unskilled workers and an increase in the monthly rate from 30, 000 to 70, 000 dinars.
We have organised several seminars on trade union rights. We campaigned for reinstatement and compensation for workers who were sacked for their political views by the old regime. Our union has succeeded in obtaining the reinstatement of many workers.
We are affiliated to the IFTU and consider our union as one of the main pillars of the federation – we were at the conference that established the IFTU on 16 May 2003.
We are presently campaigning for a labour code in line with ILO principles on rights at work, and demanding the repeal of Saddam’s 1987 anti-union law, which is still in place.
At our conference on 5th June 2004, it was agreed to form a Food Staff Workers Union, as a separate section of the Agricultural Union. The new Food Staff Union has already achieved success in wage struggles, notably in the Baghdad Tobacco factory. It has also prevented the forced transfer of one of its officials from one company to another: the state management backed down in the face of a threatened strike. The union now has branches organising in the following sectors: Food Oil, Tobacco,
Sweets, Yoghurt, Food Products and Soft Drinks
Interview: President of the Construction Workers' & Carpenters' Union
The following report from Khalud Jasim Muthana, President of the Construction Workers' & Carpenters' Union was given at the recent Conference of Iraqi trade unions organised by the ICFTU in Amman, Jordan to discuss the application of ILO Conventions in Iraq and the development of a labour code for the Iraqi constitution.
"After the fall of the Saddam regime, we began to organise in the construction industry. I was appointed as the President of the preparatory committee, which by 28th June 2004 comprised 42 workplace committees."
"Our first conference was held at Baghdad central railway station and was attended by 250 workers – men and women. The main theme of the conference was to build a new trade union centre. The second theme was for the reinstatement of workers victimised by Saddam’s regime because of union activity. Conference then elected a leadership of 15."
"Since the conference we have managed to form another 18 union committees. We have demanded that the Oil Ministry ensures that oil supplies are maintained to the factories where we organise. We have organised to protect from sabotage, the electricity supplies to workplaces where our members work. We organise in both the public and private sectors."
"We now have about 54 workplace committees, elected by rank and file members. These committees include about 25 women and our policy is to maintain good relations with all Iraqis, whatever their background."
"After the fall of the Saddam regime, we began to organise in the construction industry. I was appointed as the President of the preparatory committee, which by 28th June 2004 comprised 42 workplace committees."
"Our first conference was held at Baghdad central railway station and was attended by 250 workers – men and women. The main theme of the conference was to build a new trade union centre. The second theme was for the reinstatement of workers victimised by Saddam’s regime because of union activity. Conference then elected a leadership of 15."
"Since the conference we have managed to form another 18 union committees. We have demanded that the Oil Ministry ensures that oil supplies are maintained to the factories where we organise. We have organised to protect from sabotage, the electricity supplies to workplaces where our members work. We organise in both the public and private sectors."
"We now have about 54 workplace committees, elected by rank and file members. These committees include about 25 women and our policy is to maintain good relations with all Iraqis, whatever their background."
Report On Australian Fundraiser
Our first fundraiser nets $600!
On Monday December 6 Australia/Iraq Trade Union Solidarity held a "Solidarity Rocks" night at the Greek Club in Lakemba. The 35 attendees included a 10-strong group from the Iraqi community. Lynn of AusIraq welcomed everyone. Jalal representing the Unemployed Workers Union of Iraq gave us some information about campaigns the
UUI is conducting at the moment.
Guests enjoyed a Greek buffet dinner followed by some terrific live jazz,organised by jazz musician and AusIraq activist Michael Morphett. Our thanks go to Michael on bass, keyboard player Kelvin Hewitson, drummer Mark Fagan and Michael Brown on Sax ....all of whom performed for free. If you see their names up on posters for gigs around town please go along and support these fine musicians.
Around $1000 was collected at the door. The reception room was free but we paid $15 per head for dinner. This left us with around $600 in the kitty which will be spilt 50:50 between the two main Iraqi trade union federations.
The transfer of this money will be via APHEDA, the ACTU's foreign aid body. I'm looking forward to meeting with everyone in the new year to plan more intersting and enjoyable fundraisers. And to flesh out our plan to send a fact finding delegation of Ausralian trade unioinists to Iraq. Our friends in the UUI indicated on the night that they're keen to seethis happen and have promised to give the delegation their full support and protection while in Iraq.
On Monday December 6 Australia/Iraq Trade Union Solidarity held a "Solidarity Rocks" night at the Greek Club in Lakemba. The 35 attendees included a 10-strong group from the Iraqi community. Lynn of AusIraq welcomed everyone. Jalal representing the Unemployed Workers Union of Iraq gave us some information about campaigns the
UUI is conducting at the moment.
Guests enjoyed a Greek buffet dinner followed by some terrific live jazz,organised by jazz musician and AusIraq activist Michael Morphett. Our thanks go to Michael on bass, keyboard player Kelvin Hewitson, drummer Mark Fagan and Michael Brown on Sax ....all of whom performed for free. If you see their names up on posters for gigs around town please go along and support these fine musicians.
Around $1000 was collected at the door. The reception room was free but we paid $15 per head for dinner. This left us with around $600 in the kitty which will be spilt 50:50 between the two main Iraqi trade union federations.
The transfer of this money will be via APHEDA, the ACTU's foreign aid body. I'm looking forward to meeting with everyone in the new year to plan more intersting and enjoyable fundraisers. And to flesh out our plan to send a fact finding delegation of Ausralian trade unioinists to Iraq. Our friends in the UUI indicated on the night that they're keen to seethis happen and have promised to give the delegation their full support and protection while in Iraq.
Saturday, December 18
Worker Communists to boycott Iraq's elections
The Worker-communist Party of Iraq has resolved to boycott the 30 January elections. It refers back to a statement it made in October. The issue of the general elections to elect the future Iraqi government that is supposed to be held in the beginning of next year has been put forward for a while. However, amid the current extremely complicated, harsh and dangerous circumstances in Iraq, people are suspicious and hesitant about this issue. Taking into consideration the current situation, the Worker-communist Party of Iraq puts forth its views on the issue of elections and as following:
From our point of view, the only process, which can be called free election, is the one, which is the reflection of the free participation and intervention by people to decide the ruling regime and which meets the following conditions fully:
1. Guarantee the unconditional and unlimited political freedom for all political and mass organizations across the country. All groups must be able to practice political activity in all parts of the country without any kind of pressure, so that the masses are well informed in a free and secure climate about the programs, solutions and the alternatives of all political forces.
2. All groups must have equal access to fund and facilities including access to media to address people.
3. After achieving article 1 and 2 above, at least three months must be allowed for all groups to campaign for elections so that they can inform the people about their projects and solutions.
4. The plan and method, which guarantees the freedom of people to cast their votes away from any form of pressure or coercion, must be made public immediately.
5. The plan and method for holding fair elections protected from being rigged, must be made clear. The elections must be held under the supervision of an international body neutral in the current conflicts in Iraq.
6. The elections must be held in very secure conditions where the masses are able to go to booths without any fear or the feeling that their lives are at risk.
7. There is a huge political issue in Iraq with a long history, namely the “Kurdish issue”. There are two ways to resolve this issue: either to separate and build an independent state or to stay within Iraq provided that equal rights are guaranteed for the people of Kurdistan with the rest of the residents of Iraq. This issue must be resolved through a referendum for people living in Kurdistan before the election due to be held in Iraq to decide the next government in Iraq.
Undoubtedly, none of the above articles, which represent the basic conditions for holding elections that can be called free elections, exists. In all parts where the Islamists have an upper hand and in particular in south of Iraq, they assassinate political activists and their opponents and issue Fatwas (religious decrees), which allow killing those who express ideas different to their ideas and which do not comply with the Islamic Shari’a. There have been many of such practices against our party and members so far.
Moreover, they are imposing their believes and traditions on people by armed militia and terrorism. They are assassinating followers of other religions. Where the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan rules which includes a significant part of the country, our party is officially outlawed and our members harassed on daily basis, many political publications are banned and the freedom of political activity is restricted. Under such circumstances there is no political freedom and freedom of belief.
The resources of the country are concentrated in the hands of groups, institutions and apparatuses loyal to America. The oppositions groups do not get any support from the country’s revenues and they do not have access to official media outlets. Thus, the pro-USA Islamic and ethnocentric groups monopolize the media. Under such conditions there is no way that other groups can inform the masses of people about their solutions and politics.
On the other hand, in these circumstances the masses are unable to vote consciously and on basis of knowing and understanding the alternatives of all parties. They are unable under the pressure, the rule or influence of various militias from choosing their alternative freely. These obstacles in addition to the obscurity of how the fairness of these elections will be secured and not having the neutral international organ, which is supposed to directly oversee these elections, do not leave any credibility for the play that is to be conducted under the name of free elections. The United Nation which is supposed to oversee these elections has not been involved in Iraq during last 18 months as a neutral party, but it has proved form the very beginning by handing over the future of the Iraqi society to America and its allies, it is not neutral and therefore is not eligible to oversee these elections as a neutral party.
The current hazardous and harsh conditions in Iraq will also prevent the masses of people from participating in these elections without fear and concern about their safety. In conditions where people do not feel secure and peaceful even at their own homes and feel unsafe to stand in a queue to buy bread cannot participate in this political process and queue to cast their votes.
Finally, in regard to the issue of people of Kurdistan whose fate is still suspended especially after the latest comments made by the Interim Iraqi President, Ghazi Yawar, the forceful annexation of Kurdistan to Iraq and bypassing this issue must not be assumed to be the solution for it. A referendum must be organized to ask the people in Kurdistan about their opinion to stay within Iraq or separate and build an independent state and whatever the result of such referendum could be, it is official and legal and must be carried out.
All these issues created numerous complicated questions for the masses and for us on how this process will be conducted. The right answer to these questions will make the basis for a right and principled position based on serving the interests of people on this issue. The Worker-communist Party of Iraq by stressing on these conditions to hold free elections and on the principles mentioned above holds all parties, which stand behind the project of the Iraq’s polls responsible to give answers to these questions and meet these conditions. A suitable answer, which meets these conditions, will give an opportunity to all parties to participate in the elections and to the masses to cast their votes, otherwise there will be no space for this to happen. We as a force, which represents the interests of the masses of people, will take our final stand on these elections on basis of whether these conditions and principles are met or not.
October 13,2004
From our point of view, the only process, which can be called free election, is the one, which is the reflection of the free participation and intervention by people to decide the ruling regime and which meets the following conditions fully:
1. Guarantee the unconditional and unlimited political freedom for all political and mass organizations across the country. All groups must be able to practice political activity in all parts of the country without any kind of pressure, so that the masses are well informed in a free and secure climate about the programs, solutions and the alternatives of all political forces.
2. All groups must have equal access to fund and facilities including access to media to address people.
3. After achieving article 1 and 2 above, at least three months must be allowed for all groups to campaign for elections so that they can inform the people about their projects and solutions.
4. The plan and method, which guarantees the freedom of people to cast their votes away from any form of pressure or coercion, must be made public immediately.
5. The plan and method for holding fair elections protected from being rigged, must be made clear. The elections must be held under the supervision of an international body neutral in the current conflicts in Iraq.
6. The elections must be held in very secure conditions where the masses are able to go to booths without any fear or the feeling that their lives are at risk.
7. There is a huge political issue in Iraq with a long history, namely the “Kurdish issue”. There are two ways to resolve this issue: either to separate and build an independent state or to stay within Iraq provided that equal rights are guaranteed for the people of Kurdistan with the rest of the residents of Iraq. This issue must be resolved through a referendum for people living in Kurdistan before the election due to be held in Iraq to decide the next government in Iraq.
Undoubtedly, none of the above articles, which represent the basic conditions for holding elections that can be called free elections, exists. In all parts where the Islamists have an upper hand and in particular in south of Iraq, they assassinate political activists and their opponents and issue Fatwas (religious decrees), which allow killing those who express ideas different to their ideas and which do not comply with the Islamic Shari’a. There have been many of such practices against our party and members so far.
Moreover, they are imposing their believes and traditions on people by armed militia and terrorism. They are assassinating followers of other religions. Where the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan rules which includes a significant part of the country, our party is officially outlawed and our members harassed on daily basis, many political publications are banned and the freedom of political activity is restricted. Under such circumstances there is no political freedom and freedom of belief.
The resources of the country are concentrated in the hands of groups, institutions and apparatuses loyal to America. The oppositions groups do not get any support from the country’s revenues and they do not have access to official media outlets. Thus, the pro-USA Islamic and ethnocentric groups monopolize the media. Under such conditions there is no way that other groups can inform the masses of people about their solutions and politics.
On the other hand, in these circumstances the masses are unable to vote consciously and on basis of knowing and understanding the alternatives of all parties. They are unable under the pressure, the rule or influence of various militias from choosing their alternative freely. These obstacles in addition to the obscurity of how the fairness of these elections will be secured and not having the neutral international organ, which is supposed to directly oversee these elections, do not leave any credibility for the play that is to be conducted under the name of free elections. The United Nation which is supposed to oversee these elections has not been involved in Iraq during last 18 months as a neutral party, but it has proved form the very beginning by handing over the future of the Iraqi society to America and its allies, it is not neutral and therefore is not eligible to oversee these elections as a neutral party.
The current hazardous and harsh conditions in Iraq will also prevent the masses of people from participating in these elections without fear and concern about their safety. In conditions where people do not feel secure and peaceful even at their own homes and feel unsafe to stand in a queue to buy bread cannot participate in this political process and queue to cast their votes.
Finally, in regard to the issue of people of Kurdistan whose fate is still suspended especially after the latest comments made by the Interim Iraqi President, Ghazi Yawar, the forceful annexation of Kurdistan to Iraq and bypassing this issue must not be assumed to be the solution for it. A referendum must be organized to ask the people in Kurdistan about their opinion to stay within Iraq or separate and build an independent state and whatever the result of such referendum could be, it is official and legal and must be carried out.
All these issues created numerous complicated questions for the masses and for us on how this process will be conducted. The right answer to these questions will make the basis for a right and principled position based on serving the interests of people on this issue. The Worker-communist Party of Iraq by stressing on these conditions to hold free elections and on the principles mentioned above holds all parties, which stand behind the project of the Iraq’s polls responsible to give answers to these questions and meet these conditions. A suitable answer, which meets these conditions, will give an opportunity to all parties to participate in the elections and to the masses to cast their votes, otherwise there will be no space for this to happen. We as a force, which represents the interests of the masses of people, will take our final stand on these elections on basis of whether these conditions and principles are met or not.
October 13,2004
Friday, December 17
Oil workers Force Management to Make Public a letter by Minister for Oil
A number of workers who belong to the Federation of Workers' Councils and Unions in the South Oil Company discovered an official letter issued by the Minister of Oil dated October10 ,2004 attached to a table on workers' allowances The administration has tried to conceal the letter.
The members of the Federation faced up to the financial manager who announced he would form a committee from the heads of various departments to study the letter and come up with specific recommendations on the steps requested by the Minister in the letter. However the workers, through the Preparatory Committee of the Federation of Workers' councils and Unions refused this suggestion and asked for an open forum to be held for all workers to discuss the contents of the letter and to give their opinion about it in defence of their interests. In face of the insistence of the Committee, the financial manager agreed to their demand. The forum was held on November 5, 2004 where workers gave their opinion and their comments were documented. This was one example of gains made in the struggle by the members of the Federation and their preparatory Committee in the South Oil Company.
FWCUI-October 2004
The members of the Federation faced up to the financial manager who announced he would form a committee from the heads of various departments to study the letter and come up with specific recommendations on the steps requested by the Minister in the letter. However the workers, through the Preparatory Committee of the Federation of Workers' councils and Unions refused this suggestion and asked for an open forum to be held for all workers to discuss the contents of the letter and to give their opinion about it in defence of their interests. In face of the insistence of the Committee, the financial manager agreed to their demand. The forum was held on November 5, 2004 where workers gave their opinion and their comments were documented. This was one example of gains made in the struggle by the members of the Federation and their preparatory Committee in the South Oil Company.
FWCUI-October 2004
The Iraqi "Resistance" and the Pressure Group MentThe Iraqi "Resistance" and the Pressure Group Mentality of many on the Left
By Toma Hamid , December 2004
There is a split on the left internationally on the question of the reactionary Iraqi Islamoethnocentric" resistance". Some Leftist groups lend support to this reactionary resistance. It is the mentality of the pressure group which prevails in these organisations and determines their political position and activity. The reality of the oppressive practices of the occupation forces against the innocent people of Iraq and the sharp contradiction between this and promises made by the USA and UK in days leading up to the war have prompted the vast majority of people to change position and oppose the occupation and its existence and all its manifestations. However, this opposition to occupation does not amount to support for the Islamo- ethnocentric "resistance". The armed confrontation between the two poles of terrorism in Iraq the USA forces on the one hand and the Islamo- ethnocentric "resistance" on the other has deliberately turned living and working places into battlefields. They are trying to embroil innocent people in this terrorist race. But the resistance of these embroiled people is different from the organized Islamoethnocentric "resistance". There are people who may attack the occupation forces in revenge for the death of loved ones and for humiliation at the hands of these forces. However, these ordinary citizens and their resistance is not an essential part of the current organized armed"resistance" in Iraq.
The backbone of this "resistance" (despite denials by many on the left) is made
up of groups of political Islamists and Baathists. This "resistance" is extremely reactionary, backward and right wing. It is a bourgeois resistance which has nothing to do with the interests of the Iraqi people. When we classify this "resistance" as a right wing as bourgeois we do not mean, as many leftist groups claim, that the individuals involved in it are not workers or deprived people. What we do mean is that the organised, armed "resistance" as a social and political movement is a bourgeois movement. It persues extremely reactionary objectives, it offers a very reactionary alternative to the current bourgeois authority and uses very reactionary methods to realize its objectives.
The alternative offered by this "resistance" was made obvious in Falluja and other parts of Iraq controlled by them for short periods of time. Not only is this "resistance" unconcerned with the wellbeing, prosperity and daily needs of the people like electricity and water supply, health services etc., but also (due to the nature of its ideology and politics) it deprives people of the most basic pleasures of modern life, like enjoying music, dance, modern clothes, alcohol, modern hair styles and so on. It attempts to impose the most backward and reactionary values, traditions and way of living on people. Women in particular are forced to live conditions worse in many aspects than conditions under the ex Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Moreover, groups in this "resistance" use the most violent and inhumane methods to impose their will and achieve their objective.
These methods include suicide bombers, car bombs which kill indiscriminately assassinations, beheadings, torture, kidnapping, destroying people property, attacking public services, issuing fatwas and death threats against anyone who disagrees with them and does not observe their way of living. They use funds raised by smuggling, kidnapping and taking ransoms, robbery, theft and blackmail to finance theirominous war. They have negatively touched all aspects of life in Iraq. Evidences indicates that the victory of these groups in the current terrorist war will have disastrous consequences for 25 million people in Iraq, for people in the region and worldwide. It is this obvious reality, which neo-liberals (like Bush, Blair and Howard) use to scare people and to maintain their grip on many Western societies. The fact that the Islamo-ethnocentric resistance is very reactionary and is antagonistic to human wellbeing and prosperity is undeniable.
So why do sections of the Left: people who claim to be humanist, progressive and for liberation, support and associate themselves with such a reactionary force? I believe one of the reasons is the mentality of the pressure group, which works in and leads certain groups of the Left. Political parties are organizations which struggle for political power. Pressure groups are organisations which struggle to exert pressure on ruling and influential parties to force them to take or not to take certain positions, or to do or not do certain things. Except for very few examples, Left groups have been pressure groups since the failure of the Bolshevik experience. Certainly Western left groups today are not even pressure groups as the ruling class rarely feels their pressure. However the mentalities of the pressure group direct their positions and activity. Any progressive party, not just socialist and communist parties, will separate its ranks from the two poles of reaction in Iraq and will try to mobilize people to defeat both these poles. But pressure groups can only stand with one of the major players against the other. This mentality creates a huge dilemma for these groups, since their perception of imperialism drives them to stand beside one of the most reactionary forces in the world today, namely the Iraqi "resistance".
These left groups both theoretically and practically, are not able to take an independent position from the major bourgeois players. They do not have the confidence to lead and organize people against all bourgeois alternatives. They are mentally not up to such a task. Therefore we see these groups resorting to the methods of struggle they are used to: and that is standing with one reactionary bourgeois force against another. Such groups attack others on the left who dare to challenge and oppose this tradition and mentality. However this is a very difficult task and creates a deep dilemma for the members of these pressure groups. The position of the Iraqi Communist Party in support of the occupation emanates from this same mentality (the CP of Iraq has a member on the US appointed interim council). This party too has to spend its life defending this reactionary position.
There is a split on the left internationally on the question of the reactionary Iraqi Islamoethnocentric" resistance". Some Leftist groups lend support to this reactionary resistance. It is the mentality of the pressure group which prevails in these organisations and determines their political position and activity. The reality of the oppressive practices of the occupation forces against the innocent people of Iraq and the sharp contradiction between this and promises made by the USA and UK in days leading up to the war have prompted the vast majority of people to change position and oppose the occupation and its existence and all its manifestations. However, this opposition to occupation does not amount to support for the Islamo- ethnocentric "resistance". The armed confrontation between the two poles of terrorism in Iraq the USA forces on the one hand and the Islamo- ethnocentric "resistance" on the other has deliberately turned living and working places into battlefields. They are trying to embroil innocent people in this terrorist race. But the resistance of these embroiled people is different from the organized Islamoethnocentric "resistance". There are people who may attack the occupation forces in revenge for the death of loved ones and for humiliation at the hands of these forces. However, these ordinary citizens and their resistance is not an essential part of the current organized armed"resistance" in Iraq.
The backbone of this "resistance" (despite denials by many on the left) is made
up of groups of political Islamists and Baathists. This "resistance" is extremely reactionary, backward and right wing. It is a bourgeois resistance which has nothing to do with the interests of the Iraqi people. When we classify this "resistance" as a right wing as bourgeois we do not mean, as many leftist groups claim, that the individuals involved in it are not workers or deprived people. What we do mean is that the organised, armed "resistance" as a social and political movement is a bourgeois movement. It persues extremely reactionary objectives, it offers a very reactionary alternative to the current bourgeois authority and uses very reactionary methods to realize its objectives.
The alternative offered by this "resistance" was made obvious in Falluja and other parts of Iraq controlled by them for short periods of time. Not only is this "resistance" unconcerned with the wellbeing, prosperity and daily needs of the people like electricity and water supply, health services etc., but also (due to the nature of its ideology and politics) it deprives people of the most basic pleasures of modern life, like enjoying music, dance, modern clothes, alcohol, modern hair styles and so on. It attempts to impose the most backward and reactionary values, traditions and way of living on people. Women in particular are forced to live conditions worse in many aspects than conditions under the ex Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Moreover, groups in this "resistance" use the most violent and inhumane methods to impose their will and achieve their objective.
These methods include suicide bombers, car bombs which kill indiscriminately assassinations, beheadings, torture, kidnapping, destroying people property, attacking public services, issuing fatwas and death threats against anyone who disagrees with them and does not observe their way of living. They use funds raised by smuggling, kidnapping and taking ransoms, robbery, theft and blackmail to finance theirominous war. They have negatively touched all aspects of life in Iraq. Evidences indicates that the victory of these groups in the current terrorist war will have disastrous consequences for 25 million people in Iraq, for people in the region and worldwide. It is this obvious reality, which neo-liberals (like Bush, Blair and Howard) use to scare people and to maintain their grip on many Western societies. The fact that the Islamo-ethnocentric resistance is very reactionary and is antagonistic to human wellbeing and prosperity is undeniable.
So why do sections of the Left: people who claim to be humanist, progressive and for liberation, support and associate themselves with such a reactionary force? I believe one of the reasons is the mentality of the pressure group, which works in and leads certain groups of the Left. Political parties are organizations which struggle for political power. Pressure groups are organisations which struggle to exert pressure on ruling and influential parties to force them to take or not to take certain positions, or to do or not do certain things. Except for very few examples, Left groups have been pressure groups since the failure of the Bolshevik experience. Certainly Western left groups today are not even pressure groups as the ruling class rarely feels their pressure. However the mentalities of the pressure group direct their positions and activity. Any progressive party, not just socialist and communist parties, will separate its ranks from the two poles of reaction in Iraq and will try to mobilize people to defeat both these poles. But pressure groups can only stand with one of the major players against the other. This mentality creates a huge dilemma for these groups, since their perception of imperialism drives them to stand beside one of the most reactionary forces in the world today, namely the Iraqi "resistance".
These left groups both theoretically and practically, are not able to take an independent position from the major bourgeois players. They do not have the confidence to lead and organize people against all bourgeois alternatives. They are mentally not up to such a task. Therefore we see these groups resorting to the methods of struggle they are used to: and that is standing with one reactionary bourgeois force against another. Such groups attack others on the left who dare to challenge and oppose this tradition and mentality. However this is a very difficult task and creates a deep dilemma for the members of these pressure groups. The position of the Iraqi Communist Party in support of the occupation emanates from this same mentality (the CP of Iraq has a member on the US appointed interim council). This party too has to spend its life defending this reactionary position.
Demonstration in Defense of the Residents of Falluja
A rally was organized on November 18 at al-Fardoos square in Baghdad by the worker-communist Party of Iraq and the Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq. Many speeches were delivered condemning the genocidal operation by occupation forces. Rashid Ismail spoke on behalf of the Worker communist Party of Iraq. Yanar Muhammad spoke for the Organization of Women's Freedom. Falah Allwan spoke for the Federation of Workers’ Council and Unions in Iraq, Qasim Hadi for the Union of the Unemployed in Iraq and Samih Ashoor for the Committee to Defend the Residents of Falluja. All condemned the brutality demonstrated by US forces against the residents of Falluja, Ramadi, Baaquba and Mosul.
They also condemned groups of political Islamists for turning residential places into battlefields. A large number of Iraqi police cordoned off the area. CNN, Reuters, Associated Press and radio BBC were there and covered this rally.
UUI and FWCUI-November 2004
They also condemned groups of political Islamists for turning residential places into battlefields. A large number of Iraqi police cordoned off the area. CNN, Reuters, Associated Press and radio BBC were there and covered this rally.
UUI and FWCUI-November 2004
UUI and FWCUI support the demands of the Association to Defend Homeless Families-Basra
Aso Jabbar, Rep. Abroad
November 2004
No for warning notices, no for eviction of homeless families
A decent accommodation for homeless families is a human right
To the masses in Basra
To freedom loving people and defenders of human rights and dignity.
Nobody including the government officials deny the fact that the deposited Saddam’s regime had fought poor and deprived families and turned their sons to fuel for his aimless wars and among many other things deprived them of accommodation. Therefore thousands of the most disadvantaged citizens were left without accommodation. After the fall of the Baath regime and for many reasons specially mass unemployment, sharp increase in the rate of rent and the return of many citizens who left Iraq escaping prosecution by former regime thousands of families have resided in the ruined governmental buildings, military camps and offices of security forces which lacks the minimum standards of a decent accommodation.
The Association to Defend Homeless Families, from the day it was founded on October 30, 2003 has led the protests and demonstrations of these families. It opposes evicting these families before providing decent alternative accommodations for them. The CDHF has held many meetings with occupation authority and Iraqi officials to secure the right of these families to be provided with decent accommodations, as they are victims of the former regime. The CDHF also condemned and organized massive demonstrations against insults by the occupation forces against these homeless families and forced these forces to apologize for their aggression.
We, along with these homeless families expected that after the so-called authority handover to the Iraqis, this issue would be studied and appropriate solution provided over a certain timetable, which fits with the capabilities of the state, the size of this problem and fairness of the demand. However unfortunately this problem is now in the bottom of the list of priorities of the Iraqi authorities. Many notices have been so far issued asking the homeless families to evict these building. Moreover the authorities have issued arrest warrants against homeless families living in governmental buildings and even the buildings used previously by the dismantled Baath party. The masked police have many times terrified these families. Is this acceptable? This is a question directed to the officials in this city.
We have been assured by the most senior decision making officials in this city that these families would not be harassed before alternative accommodations are provided for them. What is going on now is in sharp contradiction with the reassurance by those who claim they defend the dignity of poor people.
Our association is saddened by this behavior and calls on the officials in this city to stop any measure, which can harm these families. Sending them onto streets will make the problem worse and will undermine the stability and security in the city. Those who like troubled water and who cannot tolerate any change will use this problem to cause more damage against our people.
Feeling responsibility toward these families our association calls on decision makers in this city to find a humane and proper solution to this problem before the eviction of the homeless families and sending them onto streets. As the representatives of these families, we announce or readiness to discuss all proposals, which aim at solving this problem, and to help solve it.
We also unequivocally announce that our association reserves the right to organize demonstration and peaceful sit-ins to protest what is happening now and in case if any of these families is evicted from its current place of living.
Association to Defend Homeless Families-Basra
October 18 , 2004
November 2004
No for warning notices, no for eviction of homeless families
A decent accommodation for homeless families is a human right
To the masses in Basra
To freedom loving people and defenders of human rights and dignity.
Nobody including the government officials deny the fact that the deposited Saddam’s regime had fought poor and deprived families and turned their sons to fuel for his aimless wars and among many other things deprived them of accommodation. Therefore thousands of the most disadvantaged citizens were left without accommodation. After the fall of the Baath regime and for many reasons specially mass unemployment, sharp increase in the rate of rent and the return of many citizens who left Iraq escaping prosecution by former regime thousands of families have resided in the ruined governmental buildings, military camps and offices of security forces which lacks the minimum standards of a decent accommodation.
The Association to Defend Homeless Families, from the day it was founded on October 30, 2003 has led the protests and demonstrations of these families. It opposes evicting these families before providing decent alternative accommodations for them. The CDHF has held many meetings with occupation authority and Iraqi officials to secure the right of these families to be provided with decent accommodations, as they are victims of the former regime. The CDHF also condemned and organized massive demonstrations against insults by the occupation forces against these homeless families and forced these forces to apologize for their aggression.
We, along with these homeless families expected that after the so-called authority handover to the Iraqis, this issue would be studied and appropriate solution provided over a certain timetable, which fits with the capabilities of the state, the size of this problem and fairness of the demand. However unfortunately this problem is now in the bottom of the list of priorities of the Iraqi authorities. Many notices have been so far issued asking the homeless families to evict these building. Moreover the authorities have issued arrest warrants against homeless families living in governmental buildings and even the buildings used previously by the dismantled Baath party. The masked police have many times terrified these families. Is this acceptable? This is a question directed to the officials in this city.
We have been assured by the most senior decision making officials in this city that these families would not be harassed before alternative accommodations are provided for them. What is going on now is in sharp contradiction with the reassurance by those who claim they defend the dignity of poor people.
Our association is saddened by this behavior and calls on the officials in this city to stop any measure, which can harm these families. Sending them onto streets will make the problem worse and will undermine the stability and security in the city. Those who like troubled water and who cannot tolerate any change will use this problem to cause more damage against our people.
Feeling responsibility toward these families our association calls on decision makers in this city to find a humane and proper solution to this problem before the eviction of the homeless families and sending them onto streets. As the representatives of these families, we announce or readiness to discuss all proposals, which aim at solving this problem, and to help solve it.
We also unequivocally announce that our association reserves the right to organize demonstration and peaceful sit-ins to protest what is happening now and in case if any of these families is evicted from its current place of living.
Association to Defend Homeless Families-Basra
October 18 , 2004
Monday, December 13
Labour Activities of UUI and FWCUI in Basra
During our activities to establish independent labour unions, delegations of the preparatory committee for the establishment of worker councils and unions in Iraq-Basra branch , have visited several working places, local committees and labour unions which have been established in different sectors in Basra including
The Union of the health workers
The Union of the engineering workers
Union of the Engineers
The Company for distribution of the Oil products
Southern Gas Company
Preparatory committee in the Company of the Iraqi harbour workers
The representatives of these Unions and preparatory committees have signed the Complaint of FWCUI and UUI against the Iraqi Interim government to ILO- freedom of Association committee to defend implementation of ILO conventions 87 and 98 regarding freedom of trade Unions in Iraq and they expressed their support for the international campaign against the occupation and to defend labour rights in Iraq
On the other side a delegation of the preparatory committee led by Faisal Kasem have visited the Southern Oil Company and met with the head of union committee Mr. Abdulla Al-Maliki and Sabah Muhamad member of the union committee. Both side had constructive discussions on different demands of workers in Iraq and draft of labour laws proposed by FWCUI also they met with union of Engineering workers.
All labour activists and representatives of these Unions stressed the active role of FWCUI and promised to join all activities of FWCUI.
FWCUI-beginning of November 2004
Seminar of the Workers of the Company of the Oil projects in Al-Waziriya
The representatives of workers in this sector held a seminar including all elected representatives of the elected Unions there and a number of workers of this company on 17.10.04 .The main subject of the discussion was about the draft of labour law proposed by ILO and the statement of FWCUI in this regard and they discussed also the draft of labour law proposed by FWCUI .The labour activist Aufi Mazi led the discussion.
FWCUI-17.11.2004
UUI –Branch Office in Basra succeeded to obtain Jobs for 200 unemployed persons
200 unemployed persons have obtained jobs in the Al Hawer Town in Basra as a result of an active intervention of UUI Branch Office in Basra which sent an official letter to the city council in this Town to demand them to offer jobs for unemployed people. The letter was written by the members of the UUI branch Office in Basra .UUI struggles for Jobs or unemployed insurance since its establishment in May 2003.Its useful to mention that until now UUI succeeded to obtain jobs for hundreds of unemployed workers around Iraq.
UUI- End of October 2004
Meeting of FWCUI-Basra with the labour union committees of the general company for Petrochemical Productions
A delegation of FWCUI in Basra visited the general company for Petrochemical Productions and they met several labour union committees in this company. .The main subject of the discussion was about the draft of labour law proposed by ILO and the statement of FWCUI in this regard specially the rejected articles by FWCUI of this draft and they discussed also the draft of labour law proposed by FWCUI.
FWCUI- 12.10.2004
The Union of the health workers
The Union of the engineering workers
Union of the Engineers
The Company for distribution of the Oil products
Southern Gas Company
Preparatory committee in the Company of the Iraqi harbour workers
The representatives of these Unions and preparatory committees have signed the Complaint of FWCUI and UUI against the Iraqi Interim government to ILO- freedom of Association committee to defend implementation of ILO conventions 87 and 98 regarding freedom of trade Unions in Iraq and they expressed their support for the international campaign against the occupation and to defend labour rights in Iraq
On the other side a delegation of the preparatory committee led by Faisal Kasem have visited the Southern Oil Company and met with the head of union committee Mr. Abdulla Al-Maliki and Sabah Muhamad member of the union committee. Both side had constructive discussions on different demands of workers in Iraq and draft of labour laws proposed by FWCUI also they met with union of Engineering workers.
All labour activists and representatives of these Unions stressed the active role of FWCUI and promised to join all activities of FWCUI.
FWCUI-beginning of November 2004
Seminar of the Workers of the Company of the Oil projects in Al-Waziriya
The representatives of workers in this sector held a seminar including all elected representatives of the elected Unions there and a number of workers of this company on 17.10.04 .The main subject of the discussion was about the draft of labour law proposed by ILO and the statement of FWCUI in this regard and they discussed also the draft of labour law proposed by FWCUI .The labour activist Aufi Mazi led the discussion.
FWCUI-17.11.2004
UUI –Branch Office in Basra succeeded to obtain Jobs for 200 unemployed persons
200 unemployed persons have obtained jobs in the Al Hawer Town in Basra as a result of an active intervention of UUI Branch Office in Basra which sent an official letter to the city council in this Town to demand them to offer jobs for unemployed people. The letter was written by the members of the UUI branch Office in Basra .UUI struggles for Jobs or unemployed insurance since its establishment in May 2003.Its useful to mention that until now UUI succeeded to obtain jobs for hundreds of unemployed workers around Iraq.
UUI- End of October 2004
Meeting of FWCUI-Basra with the labour union committees of the general company for Petrochemical Productions
A delegation of FWCUI in Basra visited the general company for Petrochemical Productions and they met several labour union committees in this company. .The main subject of the discussion was about the draft of labour law proposed by ILO and the statement of FWCUI in this regard specially the rejected articles by FWCUI of this draft and they discussed also the draft of labour law proposed by FWCUI.
FWCUI- 12.10.2004
Sunday, December 12
Establishment of the worker council of Forest and Farm workers in Alzafaraniya- Baghdad
The workers in the general corporation for forest and farm have established in the Alzafariniya Farm their worker council .The council was established in a free and democratic election and majority of the workers have participated in the general meeting and as a result 7 workers have been elected as leading board of this council .The election was occurred by the supervision of the two representative of the FWCUI who were Samih Ashur and Rasheed Ismail and Mr.Salam Muhamad , the director of the agriculture in this corporation .
It’s well known that FWCUI establishes labour unions and workers councils without governmental permission depending on the international labour standards and conventions which declare that establishment of labour unions is the right of workers themselves and government has no right to interfere.
FWCUI
27 November 2004
It’s well known that FWCUI establishes labour unions and workers councils without governmental permission depending on the international labour standards and conventions which declare that establishment of labour unions is the right of workers themselves and government has no right to interfere.
FWCUI
27 November 2004
Punishment of the labour activists in Cotton Industry in Baghdad because of their activities among the workers
The administration of the general company for cotton industry in Baghdad has punished the labour activists Abdulhakim Rahim and Basim Kazim by transferring them from this company where they are working for long years because of their activities among the workers.
Abdulhakim demanded an investigation about a contract of dye in a value of 101 000 USD with postponed delivery and seemed to be not compatible with the ordered features. Despite that he was member of the investigations committee and raised a compliant to the Ministry of labour in this regard. But the administration accused them of exercising trade unions activities without permission despite the international labour conventions recognise the right of workers to organise unions without permission of the governmental authorities and regards the intervention of government as violation of these conventions .These decisions of this administration complies with the recent recommendation of the ministry of labour which ordered full implementation of the old policies and rules of Saddam regime which prevents the workers to establish their own unions because they regards workers as civil servants.
The new recommendation of the ministry of labour threatened to punish everyone who is going to organise or establish any labour organisation under any name .These recommendations are totally compatible with old policies of the former Iraqi regime.
FWCUI
November 2004
Abdulhakim demanded an investigation about a contract of dye in a value of 101 000 USD with postponed delivery and seemed to be not compatible with the ordered features. Despite that he was member of the investigations committee and raised a compliant to the Ministry of labour in this regard. But the administration accused them of exercising trade unions activities without permission despite the international labour conventions recognise the right of workers to organise unions without permission of the governmental authorities and regards the intervention of government as violation of these conventions .These decisions of this administration complies with the recent recommendation of the ministry of labour which ordered full implementation of the old policies and rules of Saddam regime which prevents the workers to establish their own unions because they regards workers as civil servants.
The new recommendation of the ministry of labour threatened to punish everyone who is going to organise or establish any labour organisation under any name .These recommendations are totally compatible with old policies of the former Iraqi regime.
FWCUI
November 2004
Arrest of workers of Yousufiya-Baghdad under the pretext of insurgency
The American forces on the night of 16.11.2004 in Yousufiya town, Alsaidat Village arrested a number of workers in their homes under the pretext and allegation of armed insurgency against American forces, despite they are continuing in their working in the Company for oil productions in Baghdad. The workers are Kais Mutalak Najm ,Issam Ali Hussein , Hussein Ali Hussein and Ahmad Algarizi and they have been transported to an unknown place .We strongly condemn these aggressive actions of US forces against the workers and civilians and we demand immediate release of the arrested workers .We appeal to all labour unions , human rights and international organisations and political parties to stand behind the workers in Iraq and their labour activists and progressive people in Iraq and to condemn the aggressive operations of US forces in Iraq which have the aim of strengthening the US - control over Iraq .Thousands of civilian people became victims of this aggressions by both US forces and political Islamic groups. We refuse to convert the resident places and work places of people to battle fields of military confrontations.
17.11.2004
FWCUI
17.11.2004
FWCUI
Shahraban Governor in Baghdad threatened to arrest the labour activists who joined FWCUI
The governor of Sharaban issued an official order to all companies and factories in this neighbourhood to prevent and try any labour activist who joins FWCUI. He stressed that the only official and legal federation is IFTU and threatened to arrest those who joined FWCUI.
It seems that this Governor neglects the international labour conventions specially conventions Nr. 98 and 87 which clarifies the right of workers to establish their unions and prevent the government to interfere in this matter. Pressurising workers only to join one union is an old tradition of Baath Regime which seems that this Governor is also one partner of these fascist policies of Baath regime. FWCUI will raise an official claim against this fascist policies of Governor of Shahrban and we will stress that he must be tried and not freedom loving labour activists.
November 2004
FWCUI
It seems that this Governor neglects the international labour conventions specially conventions Nr. 98 and 87 which clarifies the right of workers to establish their unions and prevent the government to interfere in this matter. Pressurising workers only to join one union is an old tradition of Baath Regime which seems that this Governor is also one partner of these fascist policies of Baath regime. FWCUI will raise an official claim against this fascist policies of Governor of Shahrban and we will stress that he must be tried and not freedom loving labour activists.
November 2004
FWCUI
Juan Cole on Iraq's elections
70 Parties Register to Contest the Elections
Al-Hayat reports that the Iraqi Islamic Party has registered a full party list of 275 candidates. The party, led by Muhsin Abdul Hamid, has long pushed for vigorous Sunni participation in the elections. Abdul Hamid is convinced that Sunni Arabs are a majority in Iraq (they are 20% at most), which may help explain his optimism. IIP toyed with a boycott of the elections during the recent Fallujah campaign, but has decided to contest them. My sources tell me that Abdul Hamid is convinced that the Shiite parties have a secret deal to recognize Israel, and that only the Sunni Arabs can stop Iraq's economy and society from being penetrated by Tel Aviv.
The Iraqi Turkmen Front has presented a list of 63 candidates, and even one small group of Kurdish Shiites (called Failis) has presented a complete list. Other Failis are cooperating with Grand Ayatollah Sistani's unified Shiite list, the United Iraqi Alliance. The small Sunni Arab National Democratic Party of Nasir Chadirchi will field 12 candidates. (For a small party to go it alone in this election is probably a fatally flawed strategy, and I doubt if the NDP will get seated).
The Iraqi Communist Party, founded in 1930, has announced an independent electoral list of 257 candidates. The size of the party in its heyday of the 1950s and 1960s is disputed, with estimates ranging from 60,000 to half a million. In the 1930s and 1940s it attracted a lot of Jews, Shiites and Christians seeking a non-ethnic basis for national political identity. The CPI was, in any case, a highly significant party. The colonel's regime of Abdul Karim Qasim allied with the Communists because the officers lacked much other grassroots political support. This alliance alarmed Washington, which is widely rumored to have therefore thrown its support to the Baath Party, a nationalist/socialist party that despised the Communists. It is said that in the first Baath coup of 1963, the US passed over to the regime the names of several hundred Communist moles, whom the Baath had tortured and killed (Saddam Hussein was working as an interrogator in this period). The 1968 Baath coup stuck, and although the Baath kept around some tame house Communists, the new one-party state led to a virtual atrophy of the CPI.
There is some possibility that Iraqi secularists from various backgrounds and communities will vote Communist to protest the inexorable movement of Iraq toward being an Islamic republic. The likelihood is, however, that the Communists will not get many seats in parliament and will not be an important voting bloc.
So far, 70 party lists have registered, 6 of them coalitions and the other 64 consisting of single parties.
Muhammad al-Bazzi of Newsday explains the mechanics of the Iraqi elections. Basically, voters will get to vote just once, for a party list. The list is in ranked order, beginning with the top candidate and descending. Let's say the party list has 200 members, and it gets 10 percent of the national vote. That outcome will allow it to seat its top 27 members in the 275-member parliament. The other 173 members of the list (number 28 on down) will be out of luck.
Al-Hayat reports that the Iraqi Islamic Party has registered a full party list of 275 candidates. The party, led by Muhsin Abdul Hamid, has long pushed for vigorous Sunni participation in the elections. Abdul Hamid is convinced that Sunni Arabs are a majority in Iraq (they are 20% at most), which may help explain his optimism. IIP toyed with a boycott of the elections during the recent Fallujah campaign, but has decided to contest them. My sources tell me that Abdul Hamid is convinced that the Shiite parties have a secret deal to recognize Israel, and that only the Sunni Arabs can stop Iraq's economy and society from being penetrated by Tel Aviv.
The Iraqi Turkmen Front has presented a list of 63 candidates, and even one small group of Kurdish Shiites (called Failis) has presented a complete list. Other Failis are cooperating with Grand Ayatollah Sistani's unified Shiite list, the United Iraqi Alliance. The small Sunni Arab National Democratic Party of Nasir Chadirchi will field 12 candidates. (For a small party to go it alone in this election is probably a fatally flawed strategy, and I doubt if the NDP will get seated).
The Iraqi Communist Party, founded in 1930, has announced an independent electoral list of 257 candidates. The size of the party in its heyday of the 1950s and 1960s is disputed, with estimates ranging from 60,000 to half a million. In the 1930s and 1940s it attracted a lot of Jews, Shiites and Christians seeking a non-ethnic basis for national political identity. The CPI was, in any case, a highly significant party. The colonel's regime of Abdul Karim Qasim allied with the Communists because the officers lacked much other grassroots political support. This alliance alarmed Washington, which is widely rumored to have therefore thrown its support to the Baath Party, a nationalist/socialist party that despised the Communists. It is said that in the first Baath coup of 1963, the US passed over to the regime the names of several hundred Communist moles, whom the Baath had tortured and killed (Saddam Hussein was working as an interrogator in this period). The 1968 Baath coup stuck, and although the Baath kept around some tame house Communists, the new one-party state led to a virtual atrophy of the CPI.
There is some possibility that Iraqi secularists from various backgrounds and communities will vote Communist to protest the inexorable movement of Iraq toward being an Islamic republic. The likelihood is, however, that the Communists will not get many seats in parliament and will not be an important voting bloc.
So far, 70 party lists have registered, 6 of them coalitions and the other 64 consisting of single parties.
Muhammad al-Bazzi of Newsday explains the mechanics of the Iraqi elections. Basically, voters will get to vote just once, for a party list. The list is in ranked order, beginning with the top candidate and descending. Let's say the party list has 200 members, and it gets 10 percent of the national vote. That outcome will allow it to seat its top 27 members in the 275-member parliament. The other 173 members of the list (number 28 on down) will be out of luck.
Wednesday, December 8
Houzan Mahmoud’s speech at No Sweat Campaign’s annual meeting - London 4/12/04
Greetings comrades:
I would like to congratulate you for your annual meeting and thank you for inviting me.
Comrades. I would like to start my talk with a greeting message sent to you by my comrade Falah Alwan, the leader of the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq.
Dear comrades of No Sweat campaign
On behalf of Federation of workers Councils and Unions in Iraq I would like to send our warmest greetings from Iraq to your annual conference in London.
I would also like to use this opportunity to thank you for your support and solidarity with us in the past year, in particular for your support to our conference in Basra.
The successful conclusion of our conference in Basra, under the current circumstances, has proved to be a great success for the working class struggle in Iraq. It is worth mentioning that it would have been a great more difficult without the international support and solidarity from organizations like yours.
Once again thank you and wish you all the best and success in your campaigns to defend the workers across the world.
In solidarity
Falah Alwan
President of the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq
30.11.2004
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
To speak about the miseries and hardships that the workers in Iraq had suffered in the past is a long story. There is no doubt about the brutality of the Ba’ath regime during the last three decades in dividing the workers and suppressing their struggles.
Independent unions were not allowed to exist and official ones were a means in the hands of the regime to implement the Ba’ath regime’s anti-workers policies. But what is happening now under the new rule of both America and its installed puppet regime, the so called interim government, is not any better than what happened under the previous regime.
Certainly neither the USA nor its puppets want to see independent workers unions and organizations. But the workers in Iraq from the first days of the collapse of the Saddam’s regime and the occupation of Iraq have started organizing themselves in unions and workers councils. We have been trying to organize the working class up and down the country, clear of the Ba’athist members and so called leaders, with a new vision for equality and freedom in Iraq. Amongst the new wave of workers organizations are the Union of Unemployed, Federation of Workers Councils and a number of recent unions in Iraq that were established in and around May 2003 to defend the rights of unemployed workers and unionize the workers to defend their rights. These workers’ organization are certainly formed by the workers themselves and act as a tool in the hands of workers to achieve their goals and not merely a tool in the hands of the capitalist regimes to impose their laws on workers.
Our unions have had tremendous progress since their foundation. They have courageously stood against occupation and holding the occupying forces to account for the starvation, poverty and the widespread unemployment in Iraq.
It was in August 2003 when the Union of Unemployed in Iraq (UUI) decided to stage a 45 day sit-in in front of the coalition forces provisional authority’s office in Iraq to demand jobs or unemployment benefit. The US forces response was to arrest the leaders of this movement in an attempt to contain this huge force of the working class in Iraq.
So far around 14 major demonstrations have been organized by our unions in Baghdad and other cities of Iraq.
As you know the situation in Iraq is turbulent. There is the ongoing occupation of Iraq. Civilians are getting killed and terrorized by US forces as well as the armed Islamic gangs and the dramatic rise of the armed forces belonging to the political Islamic forces in Iraq who have now turned our society into a battle field.
This turmoil has lead to a situation where female workers can not go out to work without fully observing Islamic veil. Those daring to disobey them will get kidnapped by different local gangsters due to lack of security. The issue of security and lack of protection of citizens in Iraq have lead to chaos which had made the job of labour activist and organizers very difficult indeed.
The Islamists are using the occupation as an excuse to terrorize Iraqi people. They blow up cinemas, video and DVD shops, shops selling alcoholic drinks. Women using hairdressing salon will have their hair cut in public in an effort to exert fear and shame on them.
They kill women who go to work without veil and threaten to kill girls who go to university without veil. So far over 1000 female students have withdrawn from university as they do not want to be killed for not wearing veil. All these are done in the name of “resistance”. If they want to fight the occupiers why do they kill and behead Iraqi people, or foreign workers who are the victim of occupation.
Looking at all this chaos and in the absence of minimum security the activism of women in the workers movement has been made even harder. But we have shown them way that the real resistance is the resistance of workers and women for freedom, humanity, egalitarianism, and secularism not Islamism and killings and bombings of innocent civilians. We are telling people that we want an end to occupation and we are fighting for a secular and egalitarian state and not a reactionary religious state.
Organization for Women’s Freedom in Iraq has been organizing women to fight for equality and women’s rights and is known in the world for its non compromising stands in defense of women and exposing Islamists for their brutalities against women in Iraq.
We have been spearheading the struggles to empower women to get involved in the unions and the recent example of the Basra conference in which a female worker, Kefah, was elected with an absolute majority votes among 200 delegates to head the workers councils in Basra.
It is the task of workers and women in Iraq to end occupation of Iraq and establish a state whereby people are treated equally and not on the bases of gender, ethnic, religious or tribal backgrounds. The achievements of our unions have been great but it is still fragile as the threats of the Interim government and USA is still hanging over our heads. Our progress and even existence will be in jeopardy in the absence of a strong International solidarity. As you appreciated a great deal more needs to be done and we are looking forward to your continuous support.
Once again I would like to thank you for your support and solidarity with us and thank you all for listening.
Thanks
Houzan Mahmoud
I would like to congratulate you for your annual meeting and thank you for inviting me.
Comrades. I would like to start my talk with a greeting message sent to you by my comrade Falah Alwan, the leader of the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq.
Dear comrades of No Sweat campaign
On behalf of Federation of workers Councils and Unions in Iraq I would like to send our warmest greetings from Iraq to your annual conference in London.
I would also like to use this opportunity to thank you for your support and solidarity with us in the past year, in particular for your support to our conference in Basra.
The successful conclusion of our conference in Basra, under the current circumstances, has proved to be a great success for the working class struggle in Iraq. It is worth mentioning that it would have been a great more difficult without the international support and solidarity from organizations like yours.
Once again thank you and wish you all the best and success in your campaigns to defend the workers across the world.
In solidarity
Falah Alwan
President of the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq
30.11.2004
,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
To speak about the miseries and hardships that the workers in Iraq had suffered in the past is a long story. There is no doubt about the brutality of the Ba’ath regime during the last three decades in dividing the workers and suppressing their struggles.
Independent unions were not allowed to exist and official ones were a means in the hands of the regime to implement the Ba’ath regime’s anti-workers policies. But what is happening now under the new rule of both America and its installed puppet regime, the so called interim government, is not any better than what happened under the previous regime.
Certainly neither the USA nor its puppets want to see independent workers unions and organizations. But the workers in Iraq from the first days of the collapse of the Saddam’s regime and the occupation of Iraq have started organizing themselves in unions and workers councils. We have been trying to organize the working class up and down the country, clear of the Ba’athist members and so called leaders, with a new vision for equality and freedom in Iraq. Amongst the new wave of workers organizations are the Union of Unemployed, Federation of Workers Councils and a number of recent unions in Iraq that were established in and around May 2003 to defend the rights of unemployed workers and unionize the workers to defend their rights. These workers’ organization are certainly formed by the workers themselves and act as a tool in the hands of workers to achieve their goals and not merely a tool in the hands of the capitalist regimes to impose their laws on workers.
Our unions have had tremendous progress since their foundation. They have courageously stood against occupation and holding the occupying forces to account for the starvation, poverty and the widespread unemployment in Iraq.
It was in August 2003 when the Union of Unemployed in Iraq (UUI) decided to stage a 45 day sit-in in front of the coalition forces provisional authority’s office in Iraq to demand jobs or unemployment benefit. The US forces response was to arrest the leaders of this movement in an attempt to contain this huge force of the working class in Iraq.
So far around 14 major demonstrations have been organized by our unions in Baghdad and other cities of Iraq.
As you know the situation in Iraq is turbulent. There is the ongoing occupation of Iraq. Civilians are getting killed and terrorized by US forces as well as the armed Islamic gangs and the dramatic rise of the armed forces belonging to the political Islamic forces in Iraq who have now turned our society into a battle field.
This turmoil has lead to a situation where female workers can not go out to work without fully observing Islamic veil. Those daring to disobey them will get kidnapped by different local gangsters due to lack of security. The issue of security and lack of protection of citizens in Iraq have lead to chaos which had made the job of labour activist and organizers very difficult indeed.
The Islamists are using the occupation as an excuse to terrorize Iraqi people. They blow up cinemas, video and DVD shops, shops selling alcoholic drinks. Women using hairdressing salon will have their hair cut in public in an effort to exert fear and shame on them.
They kill women who go to work without veil and threaten to kill girls who go to university without veil. So far over 1000 female students have withdrawn from university as they do not want to be killed for not wearing veil. All these are done in the name of “resistance”. If they want to fight the occupiers why do they kill and behead Iraqi people, or foreign workers who are the victim of occupation.
Looking at all this chaos and in the absence of minimum security the activism of women in the workers movement has been made even harder. But we have shown them way that the real resistance is the resistance of workers and women for freedom, humanity, egalitarianism, and secularism not Islamism and killings and bombings of innocent civilians. We are telling people that we want an end to occupation and we are fighting for a secular and egalitarian state and not a reactionary religious state.
Organization for Women’s Freedom in Iraq has been organizing women to fight for equality and women’s rights and is known in the world for its non compromising stands in defense of women and exposing Islamists for their brutalities against women in Iraq.
We have been spearheading the struggles to empower women to get involved in the unions and the recent example of the Basra conference in which a female worker, Kefah, was elected with an absolute majority votes among 200 delegates to head the workers councils in Basra.
It is the task of workers and women in Iraq to end occupation of Iraq and establish a state whereby people are treated equally and not on the bases of gender, ethnic, religious or tribal backgrounds. The achievements of our unions have been great but it is still fragile as the threats of the Interim government and USA is still hanging over our heads. Our progress and even existence will be in jeopardy in the absence of a strong International solidarity. As you appreciated a great deal more needs to be done and we are looking forward to your continuous support.
Once again I would like to thank you for your support and solidarity with us and thank you all for listening.
Thanks
Houzan Mahmoud
IWSG monthly meeting, December
Report from the Basra trade union conference
Thursday 9 December, 2004 - 18:30
Location: Golden Lion, Kings X Rd/ Britannia St, near Kings X
Iraqi Workers' Solidarity Group meeting, with Dashty Jamal of the
Union of the Unemployed of Iraq reporting on the recent Iraqi trade
union conference in Basra.
Thursday 9 December, 2004 - 18:30
Location: Golden Lion, Kings X Rd/ Britannia St, near Kings X
Iraqi Workers' Solidarity Group meeting, with Dashty Jamal of the
Union of the Unemployed of Iraq reporting on the recent Iraqi trade
union conference in Basra.
Monday, December 6
IFTU Report on the FBU delegation to Iraqi Kurdistan, November 2004
A representative of the British Fire Brigades Union, Brian Joyce, together with the IFTU General Secretary and Woda Jasib an executive member of the IFTU met a wide range of political parties, politicians, trade unions and ministers of the Kurdish regional governments in Dohuk as well as very many ordinary workers.
The message they gave from across the political spectrum was very clear: Iraqi Kurds clearly dismiss the so-called resistance as criminals, saboteurs and religious fundamentalists.
The delegation received the same political message in the regional capital, Irbil, from the leaders of six unions, which organize 48,000 members between them. Brian visited three fire stations and identified crucial needs such as a better means of communications for when they go out on a "shout" and adequate protective clothing instead of their present cotton clothing. Brian has promised that the FBU will send another container of fire-fighting equipment within the next few weeks.
The delegation went to Suleimaniya where we met the Minister of Humanitarian Aid and Co-operation, local fire fighters and trade unionists. At a union meeting organized by the Suleimaniya trades union federation we met more female than male members. Unions have been able to build up their organization in the safe havens created in 1991 after the uprising by the Iraqi people both in Iraqi Kurdistan and across 14 provinces of Iraq.
But even after 14 years they lack the most basic resources such as email, computers and the like. The two union federations are linked to either the PUK or the KDP but they are genuinely independent and are working to merge. We talked about the chaos and crisis in the rest of Iraq and whether it would stop the elections planned for January. Our Kurdish comrades were very clear that nothing should stop the elections.
The IFTU president of Kirkuk Nuzad, who has twice escaped assassinations attempts and receives daily death threats, said he wants the foreign troops to leave but as a part of the political and diplomatic process sanctioned by the UN resolution 1546, which allows the institutions of democracy to take hold and protect the security of civilians after the troops are withdrawn.
The vice president of Mosul IFTU said that the media focuses on allegations that Mosul is home to the so-called resistance but he disagreed with this assessment arguing that: 80% of Mosul is free, all of the area on the east bank of the Tigris is safe and just two areas on the west bank are dangerous. He said that these two areas are extremely poor with no sanitation and very poor housing as well as high unemployment levels which are being used by extremists, who exploit these conditions to recruit to their cause.
In any case, he argued, Saddam’s Ba'athist machine that was built up over 35 years, including its accumulated reserves of millions of dollars that can buy fighters, and cannot be dismantled overnight.
All the trade unionists we spoke to expressed the view that the remnants of the dictatorship can only be overcome by the exercise of the power of the people expressed through building and consolidating the institutions of democracy, free press, freedom of assembly, an accountable government and independent judiciary. They believe that this process is under way and is need of support and solidarity.
They are skeptical about the genuineness of the so-called resistance, believing it to be imported from other foreign countries, which have an interest in destabilizing Iraq, and in introducing their politics of Jihad against the US into Iraq. This is why they are so keen to hold elections, so that Iraqis can take control of their own destiny.
All parties in Iraqi Kurdistan are already campaigning – cars with loudspeakers can be seen on the streets. Supporting the right of the Iraqis to vote, according to the agreed UN process, is the key issue for the trade unionists that we met in Iraqi Kurdistan.
The message they gave from across the political spectrum was very clear: Iraqi Kurds clearly dismiss the so-called resistance as criminals, saboteurs and religious fundamentalists.
The delegation received the same political message in the regional capital, Irbil, from the leaders of six unions, which organize 48,000 members between them. Brian visited three fire stations and identified crucial needs such as a better means of communications for when they go out on a "shout" and adequate protective clothing instead of their present cotton clothing. Brian has promised that the FBU will send another container of fire-fighting equipment within the next few weeks.
The delegation went to Suleimaniya where we met the Minister of Humanitarian Aid and Co-operation, local fire fighters and trade unionists. At a union meeting organized by the Suleimaniya trades union federation we met more female than male members. Unions have been able to build up their organization in the safe havens created in 1991 after the uprising by the Iraqi people both in Iraqi Kurdistan and across 14 provinces of Iraq.
But even after 14 years they lack the most basic resources such as email, computers and the like. The two union federations are linked to either the PUK or the KDP but they are genuinely independent and are working to merge. We talked about the chaos and crisis in the rest of Iraq and whether it would stop the elections planned for January. Our Kurdish comrades were very clear that nothing should stop the elections.
The IFTU president of Kirkuk Nuzad, who has twice escaped assassinations attempts and receives daily death threats, said he wants the foreign troops to leave but as a part of the political and diplomatic process sanctioned by the UN resolution 1546, which allows the institutions of democracy to take hold and protect the security of civilians after the troops are withdrawn.
The vice president of Mosul IFTU said that the media focuses on allegations that Mosul is home to the so-called resistance but he disagreed with this assessment arguing that: 80% of Mosul is free, all of the area on the east bank of the Tigris is safe and just two areas on the west bank are dangerous. He said that these two areas are extremely poor with no sanitation and very poor housing as well as high unemployment levels which are being used by extremists, who exploit these conditions to recruit to their cause.
In any case, he argued, Saddam’s Ba'athist machine that was built up over 35 years, including its accumulated reserves of millions of dollars that can buy fighters, and cannot be dismantled overnight.
All the trade unionists we spoke to expressed the view that the remnants of the dictatorship can only be overcome by the exercise of the power of the people expressed through building and consolidating the institutions of democracy, free press, freedom of assembly, an accountable government and independent judiciary. They believe that this process is under way and is need of support and solidarity.
They are skeptical about the genuineness of the so-called resistance, believing it to be imported from other foreign countries, which have an interest in destabilizing Iraq, and in introducing their politics of Jihad against the US into Iraq. This is why they are so keen to hold elections, so that Iraqis can take control of their own destiny.
All parties in Iraqi Kurdistan are already campaigning – cars with loudspeakers can be seen on the streets. Supporting the right of the Iraqis to vote, according to the agreed UN process, is the key issue for the trade unionists that we met in Iraqi Kurdistan.
Interview with Iraqi trade unionists: Morning Star (Saturday 04 December 2004)
LEARNING THE TRICKS OF THE TRADE UNIONS
http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index2.php/ex/examples
(Saturday 04 December 2004)
Alex Gordon & Richard Bagley
IN FOCUS: ALEX GORDON and RICHARD BAGLEY hear Iraqi trade unionists explain the terrible situation facing activists in the war-torn country
LAST month, trade unionists from Britain extended the hand of solidarity to their fellow workers in Iraq. Six representatives from the occupied country's largest trade union force, the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), visited Britain as guests of UNISON.
Since its formation in the wake of the Ba'athist regime's collapse, the IFTU has been fighting on meagre resources to unite Iraq's workers and get rid of the legacy of the country's collaborationist "yellow unions."
For the IFTU, the offer of training and assistance from abroad is vital. After years of Saddam's dictatorship, a large part of the battle is simply to teach Iraqis what trade unionism is.
During their time in Britain, the delegates - two women and four men - received training on negotiation and campaigning skills and met officers and lay representatives from several unions, as well as leading trade union figures including STUC general secretary Bill Speirs and TUC international department head Owen Tudor.
Speaking to the Star, the Iraqi trade unionists were able to offer an insight into recent developments in the country.
Two of the visitors, Alia Hussein and Naafa Najib, are members of the Agricultural Workers Union (AWU).
Hussein is on the union's Baghdad regional executive committee and works as an administrator in a publicly owned company under the Ministry of Agriculture's jurisdiction. She has special responsibility for women's issues.
"I organise seminars on all types of women's issues, as well as human rights, public health, health and safety and computer training," she says.
"I was organising a computer training course just before I left Baghdad to come to Britain."
As with several of the IFTU-affiliated unions, the AWU held its first ever conference in the summer.
One of its key demands was for the repeal of the Saddam-era labour laws that were brought in in 1987. These effectively banned trade union organisation in public-sector companies, reclassifying the workers as state officials and making strikes illegal.
They have not yet been repealed, but workers have organised regardless.
"We also called for the voice of women to be increased in society and politics and particularly in the interim national assembly," adds Hussein.
Under the strategy that was agreed by the United Nations, the interim national assembly was selected from a cross-section of political and social forces.
The plan is to replace it with a more representative assembly following elections, which are currently scheduled for January 2005 - although the effects of recent brutal US actions have raised a question mark over the likelihood of this.
The IFTU is currently planning a march and demonstration to demand that trade unions are represented politically in the new assembly.
Hussein recalls the successful struggle to regain equal rights for women when this principle was ditched last year.
"When the governing council abolished the 1959 Personal Status Law (Family Law) which gave men and women equal legal status and introduced law 137, on December 29, we protested against it.
"Under law 137, women would have to get permission from a family member before being able to marry, their husbands could forbid them from working and divorce them by saying 'I divorce you' three times. They would not have to pay alimony."
"Many women from non-governmental organisations, trade unions and women's organisations held a conference in June in Baghdad's Al Waziria district. Over 300 women, representing thousands of others, took part.
"We demanded the repeal of the law 137. One month later, the law was repealed."
Hassan Shabar, who is the culture and media officer for the Transport and Communication Workers Union (TCWU), explains that his union is only now - well over a year after its formation - beginning to get an idea of the number of members that it has.
"Until recently, we hadn't developed a proper membership registration and subscription system," he says.
"We recently produced a membership application form, which new members have to sign when they join the union.
"This allows us to develop accurate membership records. I am involved in setting up this system and compiling membership lists. I had to stop when we reached 10,000 to prepare for my journey to London."
Shabar gives a rousing account of the reopening of the IFTU offices, which were locked up by US soldiers in December 2003, when several of the federation's leading officials were arrested by the Coalition Provisional Authority.
"The executive committee met and decided to break the locks the Americans had put on the building and to reoccupy it," he says.
He recalls the march by 300 trade unionists to retake their building, wielding banners saying: "Long live the union of the workers - death to colonialism!"
"This is a famous slogan of the workers' movement from the 1930s and '40s," explains Shabar.
"We have kept the American locks as souvenirs," he adds.
Muhsin Jasim is the Baghdad regional secretary of the Public and Social Service Workers Union (PSSWU) and divides his time between trade union duties and youth work.
"I was a technician and boiler maintenance worker for the Ministry of Industry until I was dismissed for political reasons in 1982," says Jasim.
He estimates that his union has between 100-120,000 members in Baghdad and around 300-400,000 across the country as whole.
The union's bid to sign up new members is constantly hampered by suspicion because of the past activities of Saddam's trade unions, which were used as an organ of state control.
However, Jasim reports recent successes in Baghdad hotels which have helped to counter these fears.
"The union called a two-day strike against the dismissal of 24 hotel workers at the Baghdad Hotel - one of the big hotels in the 'green zone' where the Americans stay.
"At the time that the hotel workers were dismissed, there was no union committee at the hotel, but, as a result of the strike, we formed a union committee. The strike didn't only educate our members, it educated the hotel manager too."
"The strike was very difficult for the management, because many Americans stay at the hotel. They were very angry and disturbed that the hotel wasn't cleaned for two days. They tried to bribe us by inviting us to eat dinner with them, but we refused.
"In all, 180 workers at the hotel took part in the strike - the entire workforce. Workers in other big hotels witnessed the strike and formed union committees as well."
Railway Workers Union member Arkan Jewad Kadhum gives an insight into the situation faced by Iraqis working on the country's under-resourced rail network, which is regularly attacked amid claims that it is being used to transport US military supplies. But Kadhum strongly denies this.
"Saddam used to move his weapons and army by road, which is why he built so many motorways," he says.
"The Americans don't use railways to supply their troops any more than Saddam did.
"The Iraqi railways are now mainly freight trains for industrial and consumer customers. There is a passenger train service between Baghdad and Basra which has been suspended due to the security situation."
The union's 10,000 members are particularly vulnerable to attack as they cross Iraq on slow-moving and unprotected trains.
"Four of our members were murdered just before I came to London - two train drivers, one controller (guard) and a security guard," says Kadhum.
"All of them were from Baghdad. They were working a freight train carrying timber from Mosul to Baghdad.
"I heard that their train was stopped and that they were shot in the back of the head, execution-style.
"As soon as the news of the attack on the railworkers reached the depot in Baghdad, the train drivers and mechanics went on strike, as we have before, to demand that the railway company provides proper security for our members."
Like much of the industry in Iraq, the railways are state-run. But, as with all such firms, rail workers are haunted by the prospect of privatisation.
"Our union's great concern is privatisation," says Kadhum. "A US army officer visited our workplace recently and told us that, if we refused to work properly and continued to make trouble, he would bring Indian railway workers to run the trains. We have demonstrated against these threats."
TCWU member Hassan Shabar explains that the telecoms sector is currently in grave danger of being palmed off to privateers.
"Our sector has been chosen as the first one for the government to try to privatise state industries," he says.
"The Communication Ministry announced in September that it planned to dismiss 1,000 out of 3,000 workers employed by the telephone maintenance company."
The ministry claimed that the workers were only temporary and of no further use. But all the workers had been employed for at least 10 years, says Shabar.
"The TCWU executive committee met and decided to try to negotiate with the ministry, but the ministry refused.
So we organised a public protest in front of the ministry buildings in the middle of October and started a media campaign using the IFTU newspaper and a local Baghdad newspaper Al Jareeda.
"The ministry did not dare to risk a public confrontation on the issue and reinstated all of the workers," he says proudly.
With Washington attempting to enforce its doctrine of privatisation and neoliberalism in Iraq, there are sure to be many more battles ahead.
http://www.morningstaronline.co.uk/index2.php/ex/examples
(Saturday 04 December 2004)
Alex Gordon & Richard Bagley
IN FOCUS: ALEX GORDON and RICHARD BAGLEY hear Iraqi trade unionists explain the terrible situation facing activists in the war-torn country
LAST month, trade unionists from Britain extended the hand of solidarity to their fellow workers in Iraq. Six representatives from the occupied country's largest trade union force, the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), visited Britain as guests of UNISON.
Since its formation in the wake of the Ba'athist regime's collapse, the IFTU has been fighting on meagre resources to unite Iraq's workers and get rid of the legacy of the country's collaborationist "yellow unions."
For the IFTU, the offer of training and assistance from abroad is vital. After years of Saddam's dictatorship, a large part of the battle is simply to teach Iraqis what trade unionism is.
During their time in Britain, the delegates - two women and four men - received training on negotiation and campaigning skills and met officers and lay representatives from several unions, as well as leading trade union figures including STUC general secretary Bill Speirs and TUC international department head Owen Tudor.
Speaking to the Star, the Iraqi trade unionists were able to offer an insight into recent developments in the country.
Two of the visitors, Alia Hussein and Naafa Najib, are members of the Agricultural Workers Union (AWU).
Hussein is on the union's Baghdad regional executive committee and works as an administrator in a publicly owned company under the Ministry of Agriculture's jurisdiction. She has special responsibility for women's issues.
"I organise seminars on all types of women's issues, as well as human rights, public health, health and safety and computer training," she says.
"I was organising a computer training course just before I left Baghdad to come to Britain."
As with several of the IFTU-affiliated unions, the AWU held its first ever conference in the summer.
One of its key demands was for the repeal of the Saddam-era labour laws that were brought in in 1987. These effectively banned trade union organisation in public-sector companies, reclassifying the workers as state officials and making strikes illegal.
They have not yet been repealed, but workers have organised regardless.
"We also called for the voice of women to be increased in society and politics and particularly in the interim national assembly," adds Hussein.
Under the strategy that was agreed by the United Nations, the interim national assembly was selected from a cross-section of political and social forces.
The plan is to replace it with a more representative assembly following elections, which are currently scheduled for January 2005 - although the effects of recent brutal US actions have raised a question mark over the likelihood of this.
The IFTU is currently planning a march and demonstration to demand that trade unions are represented politically in the new assembly.
Hussein recalls the successful struggle to regain equal rights for women when this principle was ditched last year.
"When the governing council abolished the 1959 Personal Status Law (Family Law) which gave men and women equal legal status and introduced law 137, on December 29, we protested against it.
"Under law 137, women would have to get permission from a family member before being able to marry, their husbands could forbid them from working and divorce them by saying 'I divorce you' three times. They would not have to pay alimony."
"Many women from non-governmental organisations, trade unions and women's organisations held a conference in June in Baghdad's Al Waziria district. Over 300 women, representing thousands of others, took part.
"We demanded the repeal of the law 137. One month later, the law was repealed."
Hassan Shabar, who is the culture and media officer for the Transport and Communication Workers Union (TCWU), explains that his union is only now - well over a year after its formation - beginning to get an idea of the number of members that it has.
"Until recently, we hadn't developed a proper membership registration and subscription system," he says.
"We recently produced a membership application form, which new members have to sign when they join the union.
"This allows us to develop accurate membership records. I am involved in setting up this system and compiling membership lists. I had to stop when we reached 10,000 to prepare for my journey to London."
Shabar gives a rousing account of the reopening of the IFTU offices, which were locked up by US soldiers in December 2003, when several of the federation's leading officials were arrested by the Coalition Provisional Authority.
"The executive committee met and decided to break the locks the Americans had put on the building and to reoccupy it," he says.
He recalls the march by 300 trade unionists to retake their building, wielding banners saying: "Long live the union of the workers - death to colonialism!"
"This is a famous slogan of the workers' movement from the 1930s and '40s," explains Shabar.
"We have kept the American locks as souvenirs," he adds.
Muhsin Jasim is the Baghdad regional secretary of the Public and Social Service Workers Union (PSSWU) and divides his time between trade union duties and youth work.
"I was a technician and boiler maintenance worker for the Ministry of Industry until I was dismissed for political reasons in 1982," says Jasim.
He estimates that his union has between 100-120,000 members in Baghdad and around 300-400,000 across the country as whole.
The union's bid to sign up new members is constantly hampered by suspicion because of the past activities of Saddam's trade unions, which were used as an organ of state control.
However, Jasim reports recent successes in Baghdad hotels which have helped to counter these fears.
"The union called a two-day strike against the dismissal of 24 hotel workers at the Baghdad Hotel - one of the big hotels in the 'green zone' where the Americans stay.
"At the time that the hotel workers were dismissed, there was no union committee at the hotel, but, as a result of the strike, we formed a union committee. The strike didn't only educate our members, it educated the hotel manager too."
"The strike was very difficult for the management, because many Americans stay at the hotel. They were very angry and disturbed that the hotel wasn't cleaned for two days. They tried to bribe us by inviting us to eat dinner with them, but we refused.
"In all, 180 workers at the hotel took part in the strike - the entire workforce. Workers in other big hotels witnessed the strike and formed union committees as well."
Railway Workers Union member Arkan Jewad Kadhum gives an insight into the situation faced by Iraqis working on the country's under-resourced rail network, which is regularly attacked amid claims that it is being used to transport US military supplies. But Kadhum strongly denies this.
"Saddam used to move his weapons and army by road, which is why he built so many motorways," he says.
"The Americans don't use railways to supply their troops any more than Saddam did.
"The Iraqi railways are now mainly freight trains for industrial and consumer customers. There is a passenger train service between Baghdad and Basra which has been suspended due to the security situation."
The union's 10,000 members are particularly vulnerable to attack as they cross Iraq on slow-moving and unprotected trains.
"Four of our members were murdered just before I came to London - two train drivers, one controller (guard) and a security guard," says Kadhum.
"All of them were from Baghdad. They were working a freight train carrying timber from Mosul to Baghdad.
"I heard that their train was stopped and that they were shot in the back of the head, execution-style.
"As soon as the news of the attack on the railworkers reached the depot in Baghdad, the train drivers and mechanics went on strike, as we have before, to demand that the railway company provides proper security for our members."
Like much of the industry in Iraq, the railways are state-run. But, as with all such firms, rail workers are haunted by the prospect of privatisation.
"Our union's great concern is privatisation," says Kadhum. "A US army officer visited our workplace recently and told us that, if we refused to work properly and continued to make trouble, he would bring Indian railway workers to run the trains. We have demonstrated against these threats."
TCWU member Hassan Shabar explains that the telecoms sector is currently in grave danger of being palmed off to privateers.
"Our sector has been chosen as the first one for the government to try to privatise state industries," he says.
"The Communication Ministry announced in September that it planned to dismiss 1,000 out of 3,000 workers employed by the telephone maintenance company."
The ministry claimed that the workers were only temporary and of no further use. But all the workers had been employed for at least 10 years, says Shabar.
"The TCWU executive committee met and decided to try to negotiate with the ministry, but the ministry refused.
So we organised a public protest in front of the ministry buildings in the middle of October and started a media campaign using the IFTU newspaper and a local Baghdad newspaper Al Jareeda.
"The ministry did not dare to risk a public confrontation on the issue and reinstated all of the workers," he says proudly.
With Washington attempting to enforce its doctrine of privatisation and neoliberalism in Iraq, there are sure to be many more battles ahead.
Sunday, December 5
More from the Basra workers' conference
Resolutions and recommendation of the first broad conference of Workers of Basra-FWCUI 26.Nov.2004
On November 26, 2004 the first broad conference of the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq-Basra branch was held. The conference tackled many topics on the role of workers in deciding the political destiny of the society, freedom of unionist struggle and the unity of the Working class. The discussions reflected the view of the FWCUI for the workers’ movement in Iraq in its entirety as part of the working class worldwide. Therefore the Federation believes that the concepts, conclusions, and theoretical framework of the conference must be turned into resolutions and demands as the summery of theses and the discussions of the conference.
The list of the resolutions and recommendations of the conference:
First: guaranteeing intervention of workers and their unions in deciding the state’s structure and participation in taking decisions.
1. Direct participation in legislating laws and endorsing the constitution.
2. Workers unions must be independent of the state and the workers’ right to form unions without the authorization of the government.
3. All resolutions, laws and regulations passed by previous regimes and the current authority, which negate the rights and freedoms of workers, must be abolished.
4. Formation of workers’ bodies to watch the authority in regard to workers’ rights and freedoms.
Second: Recognition in law that workers’ organizations are the affair of workers themselves and authority must not interfere toward restricting workers’ rights and unionist freedoms.
1. Prohibition of passing any resolution which legalize a workers’ organization or federation and not others and regard it the legitimate and legal representative of the unionist movement in the country.
2. Financial support must not be limited to the union authorized by government and unions, which do not belong to the state, must not be deprived from such support.
3. Prohibition of restricting unionist freedoms whether through direct legal ways or through exerting negative and detrimental morale influence.
4. Abolishing all resolutions, which contradict with unionist freedom including resolution number 16, which violates unionist freedoms .
Third: The concept of working class’s unity is the alignment of workers around their fundamental and most important objectives and interests.
1. Workers’ organizations must be a tool at workers’ hands to achieve their objectives and interests
2. Prohibition of making workers organization tools at the hands of authority or forces, which oppose workers.
3. A wide segment of working class-women are not represented in the unionist movement, which is a major weakness point in unionist movement and its credibility in defending the entire working class. Women must be allowed to participate actively in unionist work.
Federation of Workers’ councils and Unions in Iraq
November 26, 2004
On November 26, 2004 the first broad conference of the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq-Basra branch was held. The conference tackled many topics on the role of workers in deciding the political destiny of the society, freedom of unionist struggle and the unity of the Working class. The discussions reflected the view of the FWCUI for the workers’ movement in Iraq in its entirety as part of the working class worldwide. Therefore the Federation believes that the concepts, conclusions, and theoretical framework of the conference must be turned into resolutions and demands as the summery of theses and the discussions of the conference.
The list of the resolutions and recommendations of the conference:
First: guaranteeing intervention of workers and their unions in deciding the state’s structure and participation in taking decisions.
1. Direct participation in legislating laws and endorsing the constitution.
2. Workers unions must be independent of the state and the workers’ right to form unions without the authorization of the government.
3. All resolutions, laws and regulations passed by previous regimes and the current authority, which negate the rights and freedoms of workers, must be abolished.
4. Formation of workers’ bodies to watch the authority in regard to workers’ rights and freedoms.
Second: Recognition in law that workers’ organizations are the affair of workers themselves and authority must not interfere toward restricting workers’ rights and unionist freedoms.
1. Prohibition of passing any resolution which legalize a workers’ organization or federation and not others and regard it the legitimate and legal representative of the unionist movement in the country.
2. Financial support must not be limited to the union authorized by government and unions, which do not belong to the state, must not be deprived from such support.
3. Prohibition of restricting unionist freedoms whether through direct legal ways or through exerting negative and detrimental morale influence.
4. Abolishing all resolutions, which contradict with unionist freedom including resolution number 16, which violates unionist freedoms .
Third: The concept of working class’s unity is the alignment of workers around their fundamental and most important objectives and interests.
1. Workers’ organizations must be a tool at workers’ hands to achieve their objectives and interests
2. Prohibition of making workers organization tools at the hands of authority or forces, which oppose workers.
3. A wide segment of working class-women are not represented in the unionist movement, which is a major weakness point in unionist movement and its credibility in defending the entire working class. Women must be allowed to participate actively in unionist work.
Federation of Workers’ councils and Unions in Iraq
November 26, 2004
Saturday, December 4
Guardian article on Sistani's election list
Sistani pulls main Shia parties together to dominate Iraq poll
Rory McCarthy in Baghdad
Wednesday December 1, 2004
The Guardian
Iraq's Shia parties have built a powerful political alliance uniting
moderates with extremists and seem likely to dominate next month's general
election. The coalition, formed in weeks of private negotiations, will put
forward a joint list of candidates.
The process has been overseen by Iraq's most revered Shia cleric, Grand
Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who has designated aides to unite the diverse
Shia parties and to vet the many independent candidates standing with them.
Although he seeks no political role for himself, the influence of the
Iranian-born ayatollah will ensure that the government has a deeply
religious character and that Islam is a central tenet of the constitution
that must be written next year.
Shia politicians are highly organised and intent on holding the elections
on time, despite the violence that still grips Iraq and the pressure for a
delay from their Sunni and Kurdish political rivals. If they succeed it
will be the first time for centuries that the Shia have run the country,
achieving what many have come to regard as their birthright.
"We are pushing the government and the political parties very hard so that
we can have elections on time," said Jawad al-Maliki, a cultural historian
who spent 25 years living in exile and is a senior figure in the large
Islamic Dawa party.
"We feel very strongly that this crisis - the coalition forces, the
corruption - is all happening because there are no elections in Iraq."
A small committee dominated by Ayatollah Sistani's aides is overseeing the
joint list of candidates. On January 30 voters are due to elect 275 members
of a national assembly, which will then choose a prime minister and
cabinet. The assembly's prime task will be to write a constitution, to be
ratified by a second general election at the end of the year.
The list is topped by the leaders of Islamic Dawa and the Supreme Council
for the Islamic Revolution, Ibrahim al-Jaafari and Abdul Aziz al-Hakim. The
coalition also includes Ahmad Chalabi, the secular Shia exile who was once
a Pentagon favourite to rule post-war Iraq, and representatives of Moqtada
al-Sadr, the hardline Shia cleric who has led a series of uprisings against
the US occupation.
It is the first sign of rapprochement between the exiles and the opponents
of Saddam Hussein who stayed in Iraq.
Others involved include the Fadhila party, a moderate Islamist group
opposed to the occupation.
"We want to take the Americans out of our country through negotiations, not
by fighting," said its political leader, Nadeem al-Jabbery, a professor of
politics at Baghdad University.
"If we don't have elections or an elected government then the Americans
will stay and our problems will continue."
Half the list will be party members, the other half independents approved
by Ayatollah Sistani. Yesterday an alliance of 38 small Shia parties voiced
the first public dissatisfaction with Ayatollah Sistani's plans. Hussein
al-Mousawi, spokesman for the Shia Political Council, said the key
positions on the Shia list were going to extremist candidates who "believe
in the rule of religious clerics".
Notably absent from the list, for now, is Ayad Allawi, the secular Shia who
was appointed prime minister by the US in June this year. "The list is not
finished yet. We have invited Allawi but we don't know if he will say yes
or no," Mr Maliki said.
Some sources say that Ayatollah Sistani is reluctant to have Mr Allawi on
the list and believes he is tainted by his close alliance with the US. Some
Shia politicians are still uncomfortable with his membership of the Ba'ath
party before he defected in the 1970s.
Other parties are forming their own, smaller lists of allied candidates.
The two Kurdish parties, dominated by Masood Barzani of the Kurdistan
Democratic party, will put in a joint list and may yet form an alliance
with Mr Allawi.
Ghazi al-Yawar, the US-appointed president, has formed his own party of
Sunni and Shia figures, including several current government ministers, and
they will put forward their own list. The most likely candidates for prime
minister remain Mr Allawi, Mr Jaafari of Islamic Dawa, and Adil
Abdul-Mehdi, the number two in the Supreme Council.
Just two months from the elections it is difficult to identify a specific
political programme followed by any of the Shia parties or their coalition.
But given Ayatollah Sistani's role and the strong religious character of
most of the parties involved, it is clear that Islam will have a key role.
Some will want to introduce an Islamic legal system. Under the temporary
constitution supervised by the US occupation authorities earlier this year
a compromise was reached: Islam was designated a source for legislation but
not the sole source. It is likely that the more conserv- ative Shias will
want to change that. In the slum areas of eastern Baghdad where Moqtada
al-Sadr holds sway there has already been a dramatic Islamisation of
society, setting up new religious schools and requiring schoolgirls to
cover their hair.
The role of clerics in the new government will also be strongly fought over.
Mr Jabbery, of the Fadhila party, represents a moderate viewpoint but still
sees a potential political role for the clergy.
"In this country we would like the Islamic clerics to be outside the
system, because they will work much better that way," he said. But he
added: "They will keep their eye on the political movements and they can
step in at the right time if something really goes wrong or makes them feel
they should change things if there is a crisis."
Other parties are still vague about their agenda. The Supreme Council for
the Islamic Revolution says: "Our programme will adhere to Islamic
principles and will be based on Shia support."
Rory McCarthy in Baghdad
Wednesday December 1, 2004
The Guardian
Iraq's Shia parties have built a powerful political alliance uniting
moderates with extremists and seem likely to dominate next month's general
election. The coalition, formed in weeks of private negotiations, will put
forward a joint list of candidates.
The process has been overseen by Iraq's most revered Shia cleric, Grand
Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, who has designated aides to unite the diverse
Shia parties and to vet the many independent candidates standing with them.
Although he seeks no political role for himself, the influence of the
Iranian-born ayatollah will ensure that the government has a deeply
religious character and that Islam is a central tenet of the constitution
that must be written next year.
Shia politicians are highly organised and intent on holding the elections
on time, despite the violence that still grips Iraq and the pressure for a
delay from their Sunni and Kurdish political rivals. If they succeed it
will be the first time for centuries that the Shia have run the country,
achieving what many have come to regard as their birthright.
"We are pushing the government and the political parties very hard so that
we can have elections on time," said Jawad al-Maliki, a cultural historian
who spent 25 years living in exile and is a senior figure in the large
Islamic Dawa party.
"We feel very strongly that this crisis - the coalition forces, the
corruption - is all happening because there are no elections in Iraq."
A small committee dominated by Ayatollah Sistani's aides is overseeing the
joint list of candidates. On January 30 voters are due to elect 275 members
of a national assembly, which will then choose a prime minister and
cabinet. The assembly's prime task will be to write a constitution, to be
ratified by a second general election at the end of the year.
The list is topped by the leaders of Islamic Dawa and the Supreme Council
for the Islamic Revolution, Ibrahim al-Jaafari and Abdul Aziz al-Hakim. The
coalition also includes Ahmad Chalabi, the secular Shia exile who was once
a Pentagon favourite to rule post-war Iraq, and representatives of Moqtada
al-Sadr, the hardline Shia cleric who has led a series of uprisings against
the US occupation.
It is the first sign of rapprochement between the exiles and the opponents
of Saddam Hussein who stayed in Iraq.
Others involved include the Fadhila party, a moderate Islamist group
opposed to the occupation.
"We want to take the Americans out of our country through negotiations, not
by fighting," said its political leader, Nadeem al-Jabbery, a professor of
politics at Baghdad University.
"If we don't have elections or an elected government then the Americans
will stay and our problems will continue."
Half the list will be party members, the other half independents approved
by Ayatollah Sistani. Yesterday an alliance of 38 small Shia parties voiced
the first public dissatisfaction with Ayatollah Sistani's plans. Hussein
al-Mousawi, spokesman for the Shia Political Council, said the key
positions on the Shia list were going to extremist candidates who "believe
in the rule of religious clerics".
Notably absent from the list, for now, is Ayad Allawi, the secular Shia who
was appointed prime minister by the US in June this year. "The list is not
finished yet. We have invited Allawi but we don't know if he will say yes
or no," Mr Maliki said.
Some sources say that Ayatollah Sistani is reluctant to have Mr Allawi on
the list and believes he is tainted by his close alliance with the US. Some
Shia politicians are still uncomfortable with his membership of the Ba'ath
party before he defected in the 1970s.
Other parties are forming their own, smaller lists of allied candidates.
The two Kurdish parties, dominated by Masood Barzani of the Kurdistan
Democratic party, will put in a joint list and may yet form an alliance
with Mr Allawi.
Ghazi al-Yawar, the US-appointed president, has formed his own party of
Sunni and Shia figures, including several current government ministers, and
they will put forward their own list. The most likely candidates for prime
minister remain Mr Allawi, Mr Jaafari of Islamic Dawa, and Adil
Abdul-Mehdi, the number two in the Supreme Council.
Just two months from the elections it is difficult to identify a specific
political programme followed by any of the Shia parties or their coalition.
But given Ayatollah Sistani's role and the strong religious character of
most of the parties involved, it is clear that Islam will have a key role.
Some will want to introduce an Islamic legal system. Under the temporary
constitution supervised by the US occupation authorities earlier this year
a compromise was reached: Islam was designated a source for legislation but
not the sole source. It is likely that the more conserv- ative Shias will
want to change that. In the slum areas of eastern Baghdad where Moqtada
al-Sadr holds sway there has already been a dramatic Islamisation of
society, setting up new religious schools and requiring schoolgirls to
cover their hair.
The role of clerics in the new government will also be strongly fought over.
Mr Jabbery, of the Fadhila party, represents a moderate viewpoint but still
sees a potential political role for the clergy.
"In this country we would like the Islamic clerics to be outside the
system, because they will work much better that way," he said. But he
added: "They will keep their eye on the political movements and they can
step in at the right time if something really goes wrong or makes them feel
they should change things if there is a crisis."
Other parties are still vague about their agenda. The Supreme Council for
the Islamic Revolution says: "Our programme will adhere to Islamic
principles and will be based on Shia support."
FT article on Iraq's future
White House getting used to idea of Shia government
By Guy Dinmore in Washington
Financial Times. Published: December 2 2004 18:13 | Last updated: December
2 2004 18:13
As American troop reinforcements head to Iraq, the Bush administration is
slowly coming to terms with the realisation that elections scheduled for
next month could spell the end of Iyad Allawi, prime minister and the
secular US favourite, and usher in a quasi-theocracy.
Nothing is certain, not even the January 30 election date, yet there is a
growing expectation in Washington that a coalition dominated by religious
parties of the Shia majority is likely to emerge as the first Shia Muslim
government in the Arab world.
One US official, an expert on the Middle East, reflected on the unforeseen
consequences of last year's invasion.
"Now we are willing to countenance a limited theocracy in Iraq, limited by
a weak basic law that guarantees basic civil liberties," said the official,
who asked not to be named. "That was not the original idea."
The sweeping vision of neoconservatives of a secular, democratic Iraq that
would transform the political equation in the region and recognise Israel
had been shattered, said the official.
Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, a Shia cleric and leader of the Iranian-backed Supreme
Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (Sciri), is one of several names
circulating in Washington as a likely prime minister. Others include Adel
Abd al-Mahdi, the current finance minister and Sciri member, and Ibrahim
al-Jaafari, the current vice president and head of the Shia Dawa party.
Some leading neoconservatives in Washington are dismayed at the weakening
of secular moderates by the persistent Sunni insurgency. Richard Perle,
former adviser to the Pentagon, says the big mistake was not to have
installed an early government of exiles.
Charles Krauthammer, a commentator, warned the Shia and Kurdish minority
that the US was not ready to fight "their civil war" against the Sunnis
indefinitely. The US wanted to "maintain this idea of a unified, non-ethnic
Iraq". "At some point, however, we must decide whether that is possible and
how many American lives should be sacrificed in its name."
Experts on Iraq and the Shia at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), a
leading neoconservative policy group, are still upbeat.
They believe a Shia-led coalition that will oversee the process of writing
a constitution next year will remain democratic and make compromises.
Although religious, it will not be a theocracy because Grand Ayatollah Ali
al-Sistani, the most influential spiritual leader, will stay in the
background.
Despite the groups' ties to Iran and its Revolutionary Guards, they say
Sciri and Dawa are not beholden to the ayatollahs in Iran.
Michael Rubin, a former US adviser in Iraq and now an AEI analyst, predicts
a broad-based coalition with a "religious colouring".
Mr Allawi, whose party has not yet managed to form a coalition slate, is
likely to lose out, says Mr Rubin, who believes Central Intelligence Agency
polling data overestimate the popularity of their protégé.
"The Bush administration sees Afghanistan as a success story and wants to
replicate it, but Allawi is no Hamid Karzai," says Mr Rubin, referring to
the elected Afghan president.
Reuel Gerecht, a former CIA operative who joined AEI, believes the US
administration is prepared for a lot of Sunnis not to vote because of
intimidation or boycott. "But they are not fully prepared for the Shia
winning and Allawi possibly going down."
A Shia-led government would want US forces to continue fighting the Sunni
insurgents - until Iraqi security forces were trained in numbers.
Mr Hakim, recalls Mr Gerecht, encouraged President George W. Bush to stay
the course during their private meeting in the White House last January.
More problematic is the reaction of Iraq's Sunni Arab neighbours to a Shia
leadership in Baghdad. Officials say a flurry of meetings with Arab leaders
is aimed at gaining their acceptance of what the elections may produce
while encouraging the Sunnis to participate and reining in the ex-Ba'athists.
"The Jordanians and the Saudis are allergic to a Shia-dominated government
and are revolted at the prospect," says Mr Gerecht.
A conference at the US Institute of Peace, which is assisting Iraq, heard
from experts and senior US and Iraqi officials this week that election
preparations were on track in all but three provinces. More than 4,000
candidates have registered so far.
"It's time for these people to vote. And I am looking forward to it," Mr
Bush said in the Oval Office yesterday. "The elections should not be
postponed."
Ronald Schlicher, the State Department's co-ordinator for Iraq, said the US
would have to accept the results of a "credible" election.
By Guy Dinmore in Washington
Financial Times. Published: December 2 2004 18:13 | Last updated: December
2 2004 18:13
As American troop reinforcements head to Iraq, the Bush administration is
slowly coming to terms with the realisation that elections scheduled for
next month could spell the end of Iyad Allawi, prime minister and the
secular US favourite, and usher in a quasi-theocracy.
Nothing is certain, not even the January 30 election date, yet there is a
growing expectation in Washington that a coalition dominated by religious
parties of the Shia majority is likely to emerge as the first Shia Muslim
government in the Arab world.
One US official, an expert on the Middle East, reflected on the unforeseen
consequences of last year's invasion.
"Now we are willing to countenance a limited theocracy in Iraq, limited by
a weak basic law that guarantees basic civil liberties," said the official,
who asked not to be named. "That was not the original idea."
The sweeping vision of neoconservatives of a secular, democratic Iraq that
would transform the political equation in the region and recognise Israel
had been shattered, said the official.
Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, a Shia cleric and leader of the Iranian-backed Supreme
Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (Sciri), is one of several names
circulating in Washington as a likely prime minister. Others include Adel
Abd al-Mahdi, the current finance minister and Sciri member, and Ibrahim
al-Jaafari, the current vice president and head of the Shia Dawa party.
Some leading neoconservatives in Washington are dismayed at the weakening
of secular moderates by the persistent Sunni insurgency. Richard Perle,
former adviser to the Pentagon, says the big mistake was not to have
installed an early government of exiles.
Charles Krauthammer, a commentator, warned the Shia and Kurdish minority
that the US was not ready to fight "their civil war" against the Sunnis
indefinitely. The US wanted to "maintain this idea of a unified, non-ethnic
Iraq". "At some point, however, we must decide whether that is possible and
how many American lives should be sacrificed in its name."
Experts on Iraq and the Shia at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), a
leading neoconservative policy group, are still upbeat.
They believe a Shia-led coalition that will oversee the process of writing
a constitution next year will remain democratic and make compromises.
Although religious, it will not be a theocracy because Grand Ayatollah Ali
al-Sistani, the most influential spiritual leader, will stay in the
background.
Despite the groups' ties to Iran and its Revolutionary Guards, they say
Sciri and Dawa are not beholden to the ayatollahs in Iran.
Michael Rubin, a former US adviser in Iraq and now an AEI analyst, predicts
a broad-based coalition with a "religious colouring".
Mr Allawi, whose party has not yet managed to form a coalition slate, is
likely to lose out, says Mr Rubin, who believes Central Intelligence Agency
polling data overestimate the popularity of their protégé.
"The Bush administration sees Afghanistan as a success story and wants to
replicate it, but Allawi is no Hamid Karzai," says Mr Rubin, referring to
the elected Afghan president.
Reuel Gerecht, a former CIA operative who joined AEI, believes the US
administration is prepared for a lot of Sunnis not to vote because of
intimidation or boycott. "But they are not fully prepared for the Shia
winning and Allawi possibly going down."
A Shia-led government would want US forces to continue fighting the Sunni
insurgents - until Iraqi security forces were trained in numbers.
Mr Hakim, recalls Mr Gerecht, encouraged President George W. Bush to stay
the course during their private meeting in the White House last January.
More problematic is the reaction of Iraq's Sunni Arab neighbours to a Shia
leadership in Baghdad. Officials say a flurry of meetings with Arab leaders
is aimed at gaining their acceptance of what the elections may produce
while encouraging the Sunnis to participate and reining in the ex-Ba'athists.
"The Jordanians and the Saudis are allergic to a Shia-dominated government
and are revolted at the prospect," says Mr Gerecht.
A conference at the US Institute of Peace, which is assisting Iraq, heard
from experts and senior US and Iraqi officials this week that election
preparations were on track in all but three provinces. More than 4,000
candidates have registered so far.
"It's time for these people to vote. And I am looking forward to it," Mr
Bush said in the Oval Office yesterday. "The elections should not be
postponed."
Ronald Schlicher, the State Department's co-ordinator for Iraq, said the US
would have to accept the results of a "credible" election.
British state's "admission of guilt"
The British state has effectively admitted that the US/UK occupation's programme of forced privatisation in Iraq has been unlawful.
In April 2004 Ewa Jasiewicz and Pennie Quinton were arrested and charged with "aggravated trespass" for entering and disrupting the Iraq Procurement conference in London. It was a business conference where representatives of the occupation authority came to discuss deals and contracts with bosses from big multinational corporations.
On 23 November Ewa's and Pennie's case was due to come to trial. A few days before that the Crown Prosecution Service told their lawyer that it was dropping the case for "lack of evidence".
But there was no lack of evidence. There were plenty of witnesses that Ewa and Pennie did enter the conference uninvited, and did disrupt it. Ewa and Pennie did not deny it. Their defence rested solely on the claim that "aggravated trespass" means disrupting a lawful event, and the conference was not lawful.
Ewa and Pennie used a little-known legal clause to insist on their right to be prosecuted, once charged, even if the Crown Prosecution Service wanted to forget it. The case came to court; the prosecutors announced that they were offering no evidence, and the charges were dismissed.
In fact the conference organisers - Windrush Communications - and the company bosses at the conference did not want to be questioned in open court about the lawfulness of the conference.
United Nations resolution 1483 recognised the US and the UK as the occupying powers in Iraq. That made them subject to the Geneva Convention of 1949 and the Hague Regulations of 1907, which forbid pillage and forbid changing the constitution of a country.
The Iraqi constitution forbids privatisation. Its reasons for doing so were not socialist. As Ewa Jasiewicz stressed at the press conference which she and Pennie held on 24 November, Saddam's regime was a totalitarian tyranny. Nevertheless, the constitution bans privatisation; the Iraqi people have every right to change that, but under international law the occupying powers do not. Occupation order no.39, signed by Paul Bremer, provides for 100% privatisation and foreign ownership of everything above ground level in Iraq, and 100% repatriation of profits.
If the US and UK could claim overriding imperatives which give them no choice but to privatise, their position might be defensible in international law. But they cannot.
Naomi Klein, who spoke with Ewa and Pennie at the press conference, said that back in early 2003 US administration officials whom she had spoken to genuinely expected a McDonalds on every main street in Iraq, and world-market factories producing for Nike or IBM in every city, within months of the invasion.
Far from it: there has been no foreign direct investment at all in Iraq since April 2003. If only because any multinational investing there would need to insure its assets: and insurance for direct investment in Iraq is not available at any price...
Another occupation order (19 September 2003) decreed a flat-rate tax of 15% on all income and profits - a measure which, as Naomi Klein pointed out, the free-market right has long dreamed of for the USA, but never been able to implement there.
The social and political problem with these decrees is not that lots of the economy has been privatised, or that any tax, flat-rate or other, is being collected, but twofold.
Reconstruction has been hugely delayed. As of September 2004, only $1 billion of the $18 billion the US government was due to spend so far on Iraqi reconstruction had actually gone out. The US government’s response to that problem, in September, was to give up for the time being and divert money earmarked for reconstructing water and electricity supplies to more security guards.
Some money has been spent, mostly from Iraq's own oil revenue. The best estimate is that about 30% vanishes through corruption. (On 24 November, the US government decided to withhold 15% of its payments to Halliburton, the corporation which Vice-President Dick Cheney used to head, on suspicion that Halliburton is padding its bills for the relatively easily-checked services it provides to the US troops in Iraq). And another 30% is spent on security guards for the contractors.
The US contractors send some people to sit in offices in the US-controlled Green Zone in Baghdad, and a little cash filters down to Iraqi subcontractors who do a little work.
The US government's doctrinaire insistence on contracting out reconstruction to foreign (mostly US) corporations means that it gets done very slowly. Baghdad still has electricity only 12 hours a day. Basra still has no drinkable running water.
The slowness of reconstruction - and the very fact of the highly unpopular decision to privatise - increases Iraqi discontent. It helps the Islamist militias recruit, worsens the violence, and so makes reconstruction even slower.
The other side of it is that the occupation authorities' privatisation decrees have been managed in such a way as to bind a future independent elected Iraqi government, if and when it emerges.
In October 2003 the Iraqi Interim Governing Council appointed by the USA voted unanimously not to proceed with privatisation. But now the USA has theoretically handed over to an (also US-appointed) Interim Government. It did so under a transitional constitution which binds the Interim Government to upholding all the occupation authorities' decrees. That may make the privatisation decrees technically legal.
A future elected Iraqi government can change the occupation authority decrees. But the transitional constitution makes it very difficult, saying that any decision to rescind needs a two-thirds majority and, even with a two-thirds majority, can be vetoed by any three of Iraq's 18 provinces.
Besides, any future government will also be tied by the deal which the Paris Club of top financial powers agreed on 21 November. The deal writes off 80% of Iraq's gargantuan foreign debt.
But, in the first place, that debt was almost entirely built up by Saddam Hussein to finance his wars and repression. The Iraqi people were the victims, not the beneficiaries. They should not pay.
In the second place, the remaining 20% is still a huge debt. Assuming all non-Paris Club creditors agree to the 80% reduction, which is far from certain, Iraq will still be shackled with over $25bn of debt. This compares with an Iraqi education budget this year of $544m and a health budget of $947m. (Acute malnutrition among Iraqi children under five has doubled since 2002).
And, finally, the write-off is to be in stages, and conditional on Iraq's compliance with an IMF economic programme - which will including sweeping privatisations.
As Naomi Klein put it: "The occupation of Iraq has been an ideological experiment. The economic decisions have vastly increased the security risks in Iraq" - and vastly diminished the chances of any workable democracy emerging in Iraq.
The British labour movement should take up these issues, in solidarity with the new Iraqi labour movement.
Martin Thomas
In April 2004 Ewa Jasiewicz and Pennie Quinton were arrested and charged with "aggravated trespass" for entering and disrupting the Iraq Procurement conference in London. It was a business conference where representatives of the occupation authority came to discuss deals and contracts with bosses from big multinational corporations.
On 23 November Ewa's and Pennie's case was due to come to trial. A few days before that the Crown Prosecution Service told their lawyer that it was dropping the case for "lack of evidence".
But there was no lack of evidence. There were plenty of witnesses that Ewa and Pennie did enter the conference uninvited, and did disrupt it. Ewa and Pennie did not deny it. Their defence rested solely on the claim that "aggravated trespass" means disrupting a lawful event, and the conference was not lawful.
Ewa and Pennie used a little-known legal clause to insist on their right to be prosecuted, once charged, even if the Crown Prosecution Service wanted to forget it. The case came to court; the prosecutors announced that they were offering no evidence, and the charges were dismissed.
In fact the conference organisers - Windrush Communications - and the company bosses at the conference did not want to be questioned in open court about the lawfulness of the conference.
United Nations resolution 1483 recognised the US and the UK as the occupying powers in Iraq. That made them subject to the Geneva Convention of 1949 and the Hague Regulations of 1907, which forbid pillage and forbid changing the constitution of a country.
The Iraqi constitution forbids privatisation. Its reasons for doing so were not socialist. As Ewa Jasiewicz stressed at the press conference which she and Pennie held on 24 November, Saddam's regime was a totalitarian tyranny. Nevertheless, the constitution bans privatisation; the Iraqi people have every right to change that, but under international law the occupying powers do not. Occupation order no.39, signed by Paul Bremer, provides for 100% privatisation and foreign ownership of everything above ground level in Iraq, and 100% repatriation of profits.
If the US and UK could claim overriding imperatives which give them no choice but to privatise, their position might be defensible in international law. But they cannot.
Naomi Klein, who spoke with Ewa and Pennie at the press conference, said that back in early 2003 US administration officials whom she had spoken to genuinely expected a McDonalds on every main street in Iraq, and world-market factories producing for Nike or IBM in every city, within months of the invasion.
Far from it: there has been no foreign direct investment at all in Iraq since April 2003. If only because any multinational investing there would need to insure its assets: and insurance for direct investment in Iraq is not available at any price...
Another occupation order (19 September 2003) decreed a flat-rate tax of 15% on all income and profits - a measure which, as Naomi Klein pointed out, the free-market right has long dreamed of for the USA, but never been able to implement there.
The social and political problem with these decrees is not that lots of the economy has been privatised, or that any tax, flat-rate or other, is being collected, but twofold.
Reconstruction has been hugely delayed. As of September 2004, only $1 billion of the $18 billion the US government was due to spend so far on Iraqi reconstruction had actually gone out. The US government’s response to that problem, in September, was to give up for the time being and divert money earmarked for reconstructing water and electricity supplies to more security guards.
Some money has been spent, mostly from Iraq's own oil revenue. The best estimate is that about 30% vanishes through corruption. (On 24 November, the US government decided to withhold 15% of its payments to Halliburton, the corporation which Vice-President Dick Cheney used to head, on suspicion that Halliburton is padding its bills for the relatively easily-checked services it provides to the US troops in Iraq). And another 30% is spent on security guards for the contractors.
The US contractors send some people to sit in offices in the US-controlled Green Zone in Baghdad, and a little cash filters down to Iraqi subcontractors who do a little work.
The US government's doctrinaire insistence on contracting out reconstruction to foreign (mostly US) corporations means that it gets done very slowly. Baghdad still has electricity only 12 hours a day. Basra still has no drinkable running water.
The slowness of reconstruction - and the very fact of the highly unpopular decision to privatise - increases Iraqi discontent. It helps the Islamist militias recruit, worsens the violence, and so makes reconstruction even slower.
The other side of it is that the occupation authorities' privatisation decrees have been managed in such a way as to bind a future independent elected Iraqi government, if and when it emerges.
In October 2003 the Iraqi Interim Governing Council appointed by the USA voted unanimously not to proceed with privatisation. But now the USA has theoretically handed over to an (also US-appointed) Interim Government. It did so under a transitional constitution which binds the Interim Government to upholding all the occupation authorities' decrees. That may make the privatisation decrees technically legal.
A future elected Iraqi government can change the occupation authority decrees. But the transitional constitution makes it very difficult, saying that any decision to rescind needs a two-thirds majority and, even with a two-thirds majority, can be vetoed by any three of Iraq's 18 provinces.
Besides, any future government will also be tied by the deal which the Paris Club of top financial powers agreed on 21 November. The deal writes off 80% of Iraq's gargantuan foreign debt.
But, in the first place, that debt was almost entirely built up by Saddam Hussein to finance his wars and repression. The Iraqi people were the victims, not the beneficiaries. They should not pay.
In the second place, the remaining 20% is still a huge debt. Assuming all non-Paris Club creditors agree to the 80% reduction, which is far from certain, Iraq will still be shackled with over $25bn of debt. This compares with an Iraqi education budget this year of $544m and a health budget of $947m. (Acute malnutrition among Iraqi children under five has doubled since 2002).
And, finally, the write-off is to be in stages, and conditional on Iraq's compliance with an IMF economic programme - which will including sweeping privatisations.
As Naomi Klein put it: "The occupation of Iraq has been an ideological experiment. The economic decisions have vastly increased the security risks in Iraq" - and vastly diminished the chances of any workable democracy emerging in Iraq.
The British labour movement should take up these issues, in solidarity with the new Iraqi labour movement.
Martin Thomas
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