Saturday, February 26
Iraq's strike wave
Falah Alwan, president of the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions of Iraq, spoke to Solidarity about the recent strikes and union organisation in Iraq when he visited Britain in February. The interpreter was Houzan Mahmoud. Read the interview here.
Friday, February 25
ICFTU on the threats to trade unionists in Iraq
Brussels, 25 February 2005 (ICFTU Online): Iraq is an increasingly dangerous place for trade unionists, said the ICFTU today as it condemned the latest murder of the Iraqi labour leader Ali Hassan Abd (Abu Fahad). The unionist, a prominent and outspoken member of the Oil and Gas union, was murdered on his way home, close to the Al Dorah Oil Refinery in Baghdad. Ali Hassan Abd was one of the first activists to organise trade unions in the oil industry, encouraging union voice in a post-Saddam Iraq as early as April 2003.
Following the assassination of Hadi Saleh, International Secretary of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) , the torture and murder of labour leaders in Iraq has become a troubling trend in a country where trade unionists still operate under anti-union legislation which dates back to the Saddam-era.
The ICFTU is deeply concerned by the wave of kidnappings of Iraqi trade union leaders. Moaid Hamed, General Secretary of the Mosul branch of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), is the most recent labour leader to be kidnapped, abducted on 11 February 2004. This followed the kidnap and subsequent release of other senior trade unionists from the same organisation. The international trade union movement fears that the climate will worsen – according to the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq (FWCUI), an extremist group has been planning to abduct several labour activists in Basra.
Estimates from the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) indicate that 72 journalists and media staff have been killed in Iraq since the conflict began - at least half of them Iraqi. 2004 also saw fatal attacks on rail workers in Basra and Mosul. Furthermore, the uncovering of the bodies of 18 workers in Northern Iraq on 5 January 2005 drew strong condemnation from the international trade union movement. The workers, residents of Baghdad, had travelled to Mosul on the promise of securing jobs in the city. All 18 victims had been shot in the head.
Iraqi workers continue to be exposed to unparalleled levels of insecurity and a serious lack of personal safety. These incidents, increasingly affecting the oil and gas sector, are testament to the dangers facing Iraqi trade unionists and workers in the country, under attack from those opposed to workers’ rights. Iraqi workers play a crucial role in the reconstruction of the country and the authorities must ensure that they are able to work without fear of harassment or physical violence, stressed the ICFTU.
Following its 6-10 February meetings in Jordan which brought together representatives from all of Iraq’s trade union organisations, the ICFTU again pledged its commitment to closely monitoring the situation in Iraq and will report on the status of worker security and workers’ rights in the Middle Eastern country in this year’s Annual Survey of Trade Union Rights.
The ICFTU represents 145 million workers in 233 affiliated organisations in 154 countries and territories. ICFTU is also a partner in Global Unions: http://www.global-unions.org
For more information, please contact the ICFTU Press Department on +32 2 224 0206 or +32 476 621 018.
Following the assassination of Hadi Saleh, International Secretary of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) , the torture and murder of labour leaders in Iraq has become a troubling trend in a country where trade unionists still operate under anti-union legislation which dates back to the Saddam-era.
The ICFTU is deeply concerned by the wave of kidnappings of Iraqi trade union leaders. Moaid Hamed, General Secretary of the Mosul branch of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), is the most recent labour leader to be kidnapped, abducted on 11 February 2004. This followed the kidnap and subsequent release of other senior trade unionists from the same organisation. The international trade union movement fears that the climate will worsen – according to the Federation of Workers’ Councils and Unions in Iraq (FWCUI), an extremist group has been planning to abduct several labour activists in Basra.
Estimates from the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) indicate that 72 journalists and media staff have been killed in Iraq since the conflict began - at least half of them Iraqi. 2004 also saw fatal attacks on rail workers in Basra and Mosul. Furthermore, the uncovering of the bodies of 18 workers in Northern Iraq on 5 January 2005 drew strong condemnation from the international trade union movement. The workers, residents of Baghdad, had travelled to Mosul on the promise of securing jobs in the city. All 18 victims had been shot in the head.
Iraqi workers continue to be exposed to unparalleled levels of insecurity and a serious lack of personal safety. These incidents, increasingly affecting the oil and gas sector, are testament to the dangers facing Iraqi trade unionists and workers in the country, under attack from those opposed to workers’ rights. Iraqi workers play a crucial role in the reconstruction of the country and the authorities must ensure that they are able to work without fear of harassment or physical violence, stressed the ICFTU.
Following its 6-10 February meetings in Jordan which brought together representatives from all of Iraq’s trade union organisations, the ICFTU again pledged its commitment to closely monitoring the situation in Iraq and will report on the status of worker security and workers’ rights in the Middle Eastern country in this year’s Annual Survey of Trade Union Rights.
The ICFTU represents 145 million workers in 233 affiliated organisations in 154 countries and territories. ICFTU is also a partner in Global Unions: http://www.global-unions.org
For more information, please contact the ICFTU Press Department on +32 2 224 0206 or +32 476 621 018.
Thursday, February 24
400 hundred workers are staging strike action at one of Baghdad’s top hotels
The Public Service Workers’ Union committee (an IFTU-affiliated union) in the Palestine Hotel called for Strike action on 20th February 2005 after negotiations with the hotel management for a wage increase had failed.
Negotiations have resumed between the management and the union today. The workers have said that they will continue their strike until their demands are fully met.
The IFTU supports the action of the hotel workers' union committee and stands in solidarity with the Public Service Workers' Union demands.
Workers at the nearby Sheraton 'Baghdad Hotel' have staged a successful strike recently in which they won a wage increase and better working conditions.
Negotiations have resumed between the management and the union today. The workers have said that they will continue their strike until their demands are fully met.
The IFTU supports the action of the hotel workers' union committee and stands in solidarity with the Public Service Workers' Union demands.
Workers at the nearby Sheraton 'Baghdad Hotel' have staged a successful strike recently in which they won a wage increase and better working conditions.
IFTU comdemns the murder of Ali Hassan Abd
The Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) mourns the loss of the martyred trade unionist and member of the Oil and Gas Union, brother Ali Hassan Abd who was assassinated on Friday 18th February 2005 by terrorist extremists while returning with his children to his home in al Dorah District, close to the Al Dorah Oil Refinery in Baghdad.
The IFTU Executive Committee condemns this cowardly act and resolves to continue to organize for free, democratic and independent unions. The IFTU pledges to its martyred hero Abu Fahad to carry on organising workers and also for a new and democratic Iraq.
The IFTU remembers Abu Fahad as a courageous trade unionist who was one of the first to organize the union formation in the oil industry at Al Dorah Oil Refinery in Baghdad in April 2003.
The IFTU calls on the international labour movement to condemn this atrocity against a brave trade unionist who fought to build free unions.
Glory and honour to the martyrs of the Iraqi working class.
Glory and honour to our fallen brother, the martyred Abu Fahad.
Shame and disgrace on the terrorists.
The IFTU Executive Committee condemns this cowardly act and resolves to continue to organize for free, democratic and independent unions. The IFTU pledges to its martyred hero Abu Fahad to carry on organising workers and also for a new and democratic Iraq.
The IFTU remembers Abu Fahad as a courageous trade unionist who was one of the first to organize the union formation in the oil industry at Al Dorah Oil Refinery in Baghdad in April 2003.
The IFTU calls on the international labour movement to condemn this atrocity against a brave trade unionist who fought to build free unions.
Glory and honour to the martyrs of the Iraqi working class.
Glory and honour to our fallen brother, the martyred Abu Fahad.
Shame and disgrace on the terrorists.
Communications Workers back Iraqi unions
The following motion in support of the new Iraqi labour movement was passed by the Executive of the Communication Workers’ Union on 24/02/05.
This Executive notes the election results in Iraq and the timetable for a future constitution for the country. We are concerned that recent attacks on trade unionists in Iraq including
* the kidnapping and beating of transport workers
* the mortar and grenade attack on the headquarters of the Transport and Communication Workers Union
* the attempted murder of Nuzad Ismael,President of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions in Kirkuk
* the murder of Hadi Salih, the International Secretary of the IFTU on the 4th January
* the kidnapping of Talib Khadim, President of the Iraqi Mechanics, Metalwork & Printing Union
are serious setbacks for the building of any democratic future for Iraq and must be condemned.
Further we also condemn
* death threats to Yanar Mohammed, chair of the Orgnisation for Womens Freedom in Iraq
* the rape, kidnapping and organised intimidation of women in several areas of Iraq under "Resistance" rule
* the declaration of several "Islamicist" groups that they wished to disrupt elections in order to prevent Iraq from "becoming homosexual"
We reaffirm our opposition to the occupying forces and their agenda of military repression and economic exploitation of the people and resources of Iraq. We also oppose the reactionary forces of the "Resistance" who are hostile to the Iraqi working class organisations and democratic and secular forces in Iraq.
We call for the support of all trade union organisations in Iraq (including the Kurdish trade unions) and the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq, currently denied recognition by the interim Government. We also support the campaign by trade union organisations in Iraq for democratic labour laws.
We believe it is a priority for the UK labour movement to offer solidarity to the labour movement in Iraq in their attempt to rebuild their country.
This Executive notes the election results in Iraq and the timetable for a future constitution for the country. We are concerned that recent attacks on trade unionists in Iraq including
* the kidnapping and beating of transport workers
* the mortar and grenade attack on the headquarters of the Transport and Communication Workers Union
* the attempted murder of Nuzad Ismael,President of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions in Kirkuk
* the murder of Hadi Salih, the International Secretary of the IFTU on the 4th January
* the kidnapping of Talib Khadim, President of the Iraqi Mechanics, Metalwork & Printing Union
are serious setbacks for the building of any democratic future for Iraq and must be condemned.
Further we also condemn
* death threats to Yanar Mohammed, chair of the Orgnisation for Womens Freedom in Iraq
* the rape, kidnapping and organised intimidation of women in several areas of Iraq under "Resistance" rule
* the declaration of several "Islamicist" groups that they wished to disrupt elections in order to prevent Iraq from "becoming homosexual"
We reaffirm our opposition to the occupying forces and their agenda of military repression and economic exploitation of the people and resources of Iraq. We also oppose the reactionary forces of the "Resistance" who are hostile to the Iraqi working class organisations and democratic and secular forces in Iraq.
We call for the support of all trade union organisations in Iraq (including the Kurdish trade unions) and the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq, currently denied recognition by the interim Government. We also support the campaign by trade union organisations in Iraq for democratic labour laws.
We believe it is a priority for the UK labour movement to offer solidarity to the labour movement in Iraq in their attempt to rebuild their country.
Tuesday, February 22
PRC appeal for Giuliana Sgrena
Giuliana Sgrena is an Italian journalist, working for the daily newspaper Il Manifesto. She was kidnapped in Baghdad on the 4th of February, in front of the Al-Mustafah mosque, where she had interviewed a number of families forced by US bombing to fly from Fallujah.
She is still a captive. Florence Aubenas, French journalist of Liberation, disappeared more than one month ago in similar circumstances. Giuliana has visited Iraq many times, documenting with great honesty the dire sufferings of the population, caused first by the embargo,and later by war and occupation. Over the years, her work has provided a valuable channel to give a voice to the Iraqi people, to tell the stories that others would not write about. Her newspaper, Il Manifesto, has always been actively engaged against the war and occupation.
We do not know who has abducted them, or why. We firmly believe, however, that this act will not help Iraq and the Iraqi people to regain the sovereignty to which they are entitled, will not shorten the occupation, will not improve the life of the people. We do know that voices of freedom, such as that of Giuliana and Florence, are direly needed.
As movements and associations active all over the world in the struggle against the war and to put an end to the occupation, we demand their immediate release.
Partito della Rifondazione Comunista - U.K. Branch
Email: rifondazione@fsmail.net Fax: (0044) 07020 973140 -Tel. 0794 1010976.
She is still a captive. Florence Aubenas, French journalist of Liberation, disappeared more than one month ago in similar circumstances. Giuliana has visited Iraq many times, documenting with great honesty the dire sufferings of the population, caused first by the embargo,and later by war and occupation. Over the years, her work has provided a valuable channel to give a voice to the Iraqi people, to tell the stories that others would not write about. Her newspaper, Il Manifesto, has always been actively engaged against the war and occupation.
We do not know who has abducted them, or why. We firmly believe, however, that this act will not help Iraq and the Iraqi people to regain the sovereignty to which they are entitled, will not shorten the occupation, will not improve the life of the people. We do know that voices of freedom, such as that of Giuliana and Florence, are direly needed.
As movements and associations active all over the world in the struggle against the war and to put an end to the occupation, we demand their immediate release.
Partito della Rifondazione Comunista - U.K. Branch
Email: rifondazione@fsmail.net Fax: (0044) 07020 973140 -Tel. 0794 1010976.
IWSG meeting Thursday 14/04/05
Iraq Workers' Solidarity Group meeting, Thursday 14/04/05, 18:30 at the Golden Lion, corner of Kings Cross Road and Britannia St, near Kings Cross.
Speaker: Yahia Said, a researcher at the London School of Economics who has written widely about Iraq, on academic life and student organisation in Iraq today. This may be of special interest to activists who met representatives from the Iraqi teachers' union (which organises in higher education as well as schools) at the TUC Iraq conference on 14/02/05.
Speaker: Yahia Said, a researcher at the London School of Economics who has written widely about Iraq, on academic life and student organisation in Iraq today. This may be of special interest to activists who met representatives from the Iraqi teachers' union (which organises in higher education as well as schools) at the TUC Iraq conference on 14/02/05.
Monday, February 21
TUC Solidarity Conference with Iraq, 14 February in London
Approximately 70 trade unionists from Britain and Iraq attended an all-day conference organized by the Trades Union Congress (TUC), held in its headquarters in London. Report by Eric Lee.
The event was preceded the evening before by a memorial meeting organized jointly by the TUC and the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) in memory of the IFTU International Secretary, Hadi Saleh, who was tortured and murdered in his home in early January by Ba'athist terrorists. Speakers at the memorial meeting included Brendan Barber, general secretary of the TUC, Hadi's widow, Abdullah Muhsin, foreign representative of the IFTU, and David Bacon from US Labor Against the War.
The morning session featured speakers from the International Labour Office (ILO), the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), Labour Friends of Iraq (LFIQ) and the IFTU.This plenary session was followed by a series of workshops in which Iraqi trade unionists were able to speak directly to their British colleagues.
The Iraqi unions attending the conference included the IFTU, the Kurdistan Workers Syndicate, the Iraqi Teachers Union, the Iraqi Journalists' Union, the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions of Iraq, and the General Federation of Iraqi Trade Unions (GFITU), the national trade union centre controlled by the former Saddamist dictatorship.
In addition to representatives of the ILO and ICFTU, there were also delegates from two global union federations (the International Transport Workers Federation and the ICEM), and the AFL-CIO Solidarity Center. At least 16 British unions sent delegates, including the CWU, PCS, Unison, GMB, Connect, NASUWT, NATFHE, T&GWU, FBU, Amicus, Prospect, NUJ, TSSA, NUT, RMT, and Community. In a least two cases, these unions were represented by their general secretaries (NATFHE and RMT).
The event was preceded the evening before by a memorial meeting organized jointly by the TUC and the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) in memory of the IFTU International Secretary, Hadi Saleh, who was tortured and murdered in his home in early January by Ba'athist terrorists. Speakers at the memorial meeting included Brendan Barber, general secretary of the TUC, Hadi's widow, Abdullah Muhsin, foreign representative of the IFTU, and David Bacon from US Labor Against the War.
The morning session featured speakers from the International Labour Office (ILO), the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU), Labour Friends of Iraq (LFIQ) and the IFTU.This plenary session was followed by a series of workshops in which Iraqi trade unionists were able to speak directly to their British colleagues.
The Iraqi unions attending the conference included the IFTU, the Kurdistan Workers Syndicate, the Iraqi Teachers Union, the Iraqi Journalists' Union, the Federation of Workers Councils and Unions of Iraq, and the General Federation of Iraqi Trade Unions (GFITU), the national trade union centre controlled by the former Saddamist dictatorship.
In addition to representatives of the ILO and ICFTU, there were also delegates from two global union federations (the International Transport Workers Federation and the ICEM), and the AFL-CIO Solidarity Center. At least 16 British unions sent delegates, including the CWU, PCS, Unison, GMB, Connect, NASUWT, NATFHE, T&GWU, FBU, Amicus, Prospect, NUJ, TSSA, NUT, RMT, and Community. In a least two cases, these unions were represented by their general secretaries (NATFHE and RMT).
Saturday, February 19
Another Iraqi trade unionist kidnapped: Moaid Hamed (General Secretary, IFTU Mosul Branch)
The Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU) reports that Moaid Hamed, General Secretary of the IFTU Mosul Branch, was kidnapped on 11 February 2005 in Mosul.
An IFTU statement says: On 11 February 2005, Mr Moaid Hamed was leaving his home in Mosul on union business when gunmen attacked him and kidnapped him, taking him to an unknown location.
In a previous incident, terrorists and Saddam's loyalists working together had kidnapped Saady Edan, the president of the IFTU in Mosul on 26 January and held him prisoner for a week in a unknown location where he was tortured severely and before his release on 1 February 2005 was told to stop working and organizing for the IFTU otherwise he would be killed next.
The IFTU office in Mosul received many threats and intimidation from forces loyal to Saddam and his yellow union the discredited GFTU.
The IFTU media and information office calls upon the international labour movement to demand the immediate release of Mr Moaid Hamed.
With the help of our international labour movement colleagues, the IFTU will continue to campaign to end terrorism against those brave patriotic working class fighters who are striving to organise Iraqi workers into free trade and demcratic unions.
Further information will be made available about the condition of Mr. Moaid Hamed and the circumstances of his kidnapping.
For further information contact Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU): c/o UNISON, 1 Mabledon Place, London WC1H 9AJ. Tel: 00 44 79 76 84 68 68.
An IFTU statement says: On 11 February 2005, Mr Moaid Hamed was leaving his home in Mosul on union business when gunmen attacked him and kidnapped him, taking him to an unknown location.
In a previous incident, terrorists and Saddam's loyalists working together had kidnapped Saady Edan, the president of the IFTU in Mosul on 26 January and held him prisoner for a week in a unknown location where he was tortured severely and before his release on 1 February 2005 was told to stop working and organizing for the IFTU otherwise he would be killed next.
The IFTU office in Mosul received many threats and intimidation from forces loyal to Saddam and his yellow union the discredited GFTU.
The IFTU media and information office calls upon the international labour movement to demand the immediate release of Mr Moaid Hamed.
With the help of our international labour movement colleagues, the IFTU will continue to campaign to end terrorism against those brave patriotic working class fighters who are striving to organise Iraqi workers into free trade and demcratic unions.
Further information will be made available about the condition of Mr. Moaid Hamed and the circumstances of his kidnapping.
For further information contact Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU): c/o UNISON, 1 Mabledon Place, London WC1H 9AJ. Tel: 00 44 79 76 84 68 68.
Friday, February 18
Hassan Juma'a Awad's article for the Guardian
We lived through dark days under Saddam Hussein's dictatorship. When the regime fell, people wanted a new life: a life without shackles and terror; a life where we could rebuild our country and enjoy its natural wealth. Instead, our communities have been attacked with chemicals and cluster bombs, and our people tortured, raped and killed in our homes.
We lived through dark days under Saddam Hussein's dictatorship. When the regime fell, people wanted a new life: a life without shackles and terror; a life where we could rebuild our country and enjoy its natural wealth. Instead, our communities have been attacked with chemicals and cluster bombs, and our people tortured, raped
and killed in our homes.
Saddam's secret police used to creep over the roofs into our homes at night; occupation troops now break down our doors in broad daylight. The media do not show even a fraction of the devastation that has engulfed Iraq. Journalists who dare to report the truth of what is happening have been kidnapped by terrorists. This serves the agenda of the occupation, which aims to eliminate witnesses to its crimes.
Workers in Iraq's southern oilfields began organising soon after British occupying forces invaded Basra. We founded our union, the Southern Oil Company Union, just 11 days after the fall of Baghdad in April 2003. When the occupation troops stood back and allowed Basra's hospitals, universities and public services to be burned and looted, while they defended only the oil ministry and oilfields, we knew we were dealing with a brutal force prepared to impose its will without regard for human suffering. From the beginning, we were left in no doubt that the US and its allies had come to take control of our oil resources.
The occupation authorities have maintained many of Saddam's repressive laws, including the 1987 order which robbed us of basic union rights, including the right to strike. Today, we still have no official recognition as a trade union, despite having 23,000 members in 10 oil and gas companies in Basra, Amara, Nassiriya, and up to Anbar province. However, we draw our legitimacy from the workers, not the government. We believe unions should operate regardless of the government's wishes, until the people are able finally to elect a genuinely accountable and independent Iraqi government, which represents our interests and not those of American imperialism.
Our union is independent of any political party. Most trade unions in Britain only seem to be aware of one union federation in Iraq, the regime-authorised Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, whose president, Rassim Awadi, is deputy leader of the US-imposed prime minister Ayad Allawi's party. The IFTU's leadership is carved up between the pro-government Communist party, Allawi's Iraqi National Accord, and their satellites. In fact, there are two other union federations, which are linked to political parties, as well as our own organisation.
Our union has already shown it is able to stand its ground against one of the most powerful US companies, Dick Cheney's KBR, which tried to take over our workplaces with the protection of occupation forces.
We forced them out and compelled their Kuwaiti subcontractor, Al Khourafi, to replace 1,000 of the 1,200 employees it brought with it with Iraqi workers, 70% of whom are unemployed today. We also fought US viceroy Paul Bremer's wage schedule, which dictated that Iraqi public sector workers must earn ID 69,000 ($35) per month, while paying up to $1,000 a day to thousands of foreign mercenaries. In August 2003 we took strike action and shut down all oil production for three days. As a result, the occupation authorities had to raise wages to a minimum of ID 150,000.
We see it as our duty to defend the country's resources. We reject and will oppose all moves to privatise our oil industry and national resources. We regard this privatisation as a form of neo-colonialism, an attempt to impose a permanent economic occupation to follow the military occupation.
The occupation has deliberately fomented a sectarian division of Sunni and Shia. We never knew this sort of division before. Our families intermarried, we lived and worked together. And today we are resisting this brutal occupation together, from Falluja to Najaf to Sadr City. The resistance to the occupation forces is a God-given right of Iraqis, and we, as a union, see ourselves as a necessary part of this resistance - although we will fight using our industrial power, our collective strength as a union, and as a part of civil society which needs to grow in order to defeat both still-powerful Saddamist elites and the foreign occupation of our country.
Bush and Blair should remember that those who voted in last month's elections in Iraq are as hostile to the occupation as those who boycotted them. Those who claim to represent the Iraqi working class while calling for the occupation to stay a bit longer, due to "fears of civil war", are in fact speaking only for themselves and the minority of Iraqis whose interests are dependent on the occupation.
We as a union call for the withdrawal of foreign occupation forces and their military bases. We don't want a timetable - this is a stalling tactic. We will solve our own problems. We are Iraqis, we know our country and we can take care of ourselves. We have the means, the skills and resources to rebuild and create our own democratic society.
· Hassan Juma'a Awad is general secretary of Iraq's Southern Oil Company Union and president of the Basra Oil Workers' Union
hssnawad@yahoo.com
We lived through dark days under Saddam Hussein's dictatorship. When the regime fell, people wanted a new life: a life without shackles and terror; a life where we could rebuild our country and enjoy its natural wealth. Instead, our communities have been attacked with chemicals and cluster bombs, and our people tortured, raped
and killed in our homes.
Saddam's secret police used to creep over the roofs into our homes at night; occupation troops now break down our doors in broad daylight. The media do not show even a fraction of the devastation that has engulfed Iraq. Journalists who dare to report the truth of what is happening have been kidnapped by terrorists. This serves the agenda of the occupation, which aims to eliminate witnesses to its crimes.
Workers in Iraq's southern oilfields began organising soon after British occupying forces invaded Basra. We founded our union, the Southern Oil Company Union, just 11 days after the fall of Baghdad in April 2003. When the occupation troops stood back and allowed Basra's hospitals, universities and public services to be burned and looted, while they defended only the oil ministry and oilfields, we knew we were dealing with a brutal force prepared to impose its will without regard for human suffering. From the beginning, we were left in no doubt that the US and its allies had come to take control of our oil resources.
The occupation authorities have maintained many of Saddam's repressive laws, including the 1987 order which robbed us of basic union rights, including the right to strike. Today, we still have no official recognition as a trade union, despite having 23,000 members in 10 oil and gas companies in Basra, Amara, Nassiriya, and up to Anbar province. However, we draw our legitimacy from the workers, not the government. We believe unions should operate regardless of the government's wishes, until the people are able finally to elect a genuinely accountable and independent Iraqi government, which represents our interests and not those of American imperialism.
Our union is independent of any political party. Most trade unions in Britain only seem to be aware of one union federation in Iraq, the regime-authorised Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, whose president, Rassim Awadi, is deputy leader of the US-imposed prime minister Ayad Allawi's party. The IFTU's leadership is carved up between the pro-government Communist party, Allawi's Iraqi National Accord, and their satellites. In fact, there are two other union federations, which are linked to political parties, as well as our own organisation.
Our union has already shown it is able to stand its ground against one of the most powerful US companies, Dick Cheney's KBR, which tried to take over our workplaces with the protection of occupation forces.
We forced them out and compelled their Kuwaiti subcontractor, Al Khourafi, to replace 1,000 of the 1,200 employees it brought with it with Iraqi workers, 70% of whom are unemployed today. We also fought US viceroy Paul Bremer's wage schedule, which dictated that Iraqi public sector workers must earn ID 69,000 ($35) per month, while paying up to $1,000 a day to thousands of foreign mercenaries. In August 2003 we took strike action and shut down all oil production for three days. As a result, the occupation authorities had to raise wages to a minimum of ID 150,000.
We see it as our duty to defend the country's resources. We reject and will oppose all moves to privatise our oil industry and national resources. We regard this privatisation as a form of neo-colonialism, an attempt to impose a permanent economic occupation to follow the military occupation.
The occupation has deliberately fomented a sectarian division of Sunni and Shia. We never knew this sort of division before. Our families intermarried, we lived and worked together. And today we are resisting this brutal occupation together, from Falluja to Najaf to Sadr City. The resistance to the occupation forces is a God-given right of Iraqis, and we, as a union, see ourselves as a necessary part of this resistance - although we will fight using our industrial power, our collective strength as a union, and as a part of civil society which needs to grow in order to defeat both still-powerful Saddamist elites and the foreign occupation of our country.
Bush and Blair should remember that those who voted in last month's elections in Iraq are as hostile to the occupation as those who boycotted them. Those who claim to represent the Iraqi working class while calling for the occupation to stay a bit longer, due to "fears of civil war", are in fact speaking only for themselves and the minority of Iraqis whose interests are dependent on the occupation.
We as a union call for the withdrawal of foreign occupation forces and their military bases. We don't want a timetable - this is a stalling tactic. We will solve our own problems. We are Iraqis, we know our country and we can take care of ourselves. We have the means, the skills and resources to rebuild and create our own democratic society.
· Hassan Juma'a Awad is general secretary of Iraq's Southern Oil Company Union and president of the Basra Oil Workers' Union
hssnawad@yahoo.com
Thursday, February 17
Reception for Falih Alwan of the FWCUI
6.30pm, Thursday 24 February
Bread and Roses
68 Clapham Manor St, SW4
Reception for Falih Alwan, president of the Federation of Workers' Councils
and Unions in Iraq, who has come to London to speak at the TUC Iraq
conference on 14 February. Come to hear Falih speak about his unions' fight
against both the US/UK occupation and political Islam.
Bread and Roses
68 Clapham Manor St, SW4
Reception for Falih Alwan, president of the Federation of Workers' Councils
and Unions in Iraq, who has come to London to speak at the TUC Iraq
conference on 14 February. Come to hear Falih speak about his unions' fight
against both the US/UK occupation and political Islam.
The kidnapping of Giuliana Sgrena
Statement by the Federation of Workers' Councils and Unions of Iraq.
Recently the gangs of political Islam in Iraq kidnapped Giuliana Sgrena, a journalist of the newspaper Il Manifesto, and threatened that they will hack off her head if the Italian Troops are not withdrawn from Iraq.
This terrorist and anti-human action is part of a string of similar operations perpetrated by criminal Islamic groups under the rubric of fighting against the occupation of Iraq and forcing the occupying forces to withdraw from this country. It is common knowledge that under no circumstances hacking off people's heads by Islamists can be justified by referring to the crimes committed by the USA forces and allied forces against people in Iraq.
These acts have nothing in common with human sentiments and behaviour and have nothing to do with the fair demand of the masses in Iraq in necessity of the withdrawal of the occupying forces and with people's aspirations in freedom, equality and prosperity. The terrorist and bloody practices of groups of political Islam in Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon,
Palestine, Afghanistan and any other place these groups exist indicate with no doubt that the desire to bloodshed is a key part of their methodology and essences no matter how different are the excuses and justifications.
We are in trade Unions in Iraq strongly condemn and denounce the crimes of kidnapping foreigners and Journalists in Iraq and we demand that this hostage be immediately and unconditionally released. We express our solidarity and sympathy with the family and friends of these hostages. The freedom-loving people in Iraq are relentlessly struggling to liberate themselves from the wickedness of these Islamic groups. They call on the civilized humanity to support and build solidarity with them in their struggle for freedom and to get rid of the down spiral of violence and terrorist conflict between the USA and political Islam.
Aso Jabbar
Abroad Representation of FWCUI
Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq-FWCUI
15 February 2005
Recently the gangs of political Islam in Iraq kidnapped Giuliana Sgrena, a journalist of the newspaper Il Manifesto, and threatened that they will hack off her head if the Italian Troops are not withdrawn from Iraq.
This terrorist and anti-human action is part of a string of similar operations perpetrated by criminal Islamic groups under the rubric of fighting against the occupation of Iraq and forcing the occupying forces to withdraw from this country. It is common knowledge that under no circumstances hacking off people's heads by Islamists can be justified by referring to the crimes committed by the USA forces and allied forces against people in Iraq.
These acts have nothing in common with human sentiments and behaviour and have nothing to do with the fair demand of the masses in Iraq in necessity of the withdrawal of the occupying forces and with people's aspirations in freedom, equality and prosperity. The terrorist and bloody practices of groups of political Islam in Algeria, Egypt, Lebanon,
Palestine, Afghanistan and any other place these groups exist indicate with no doubt that the desire to bloodshed is a key part of their methodology and essences no matter how different are the excuses and justifications.
We are in trade Unions in Iraq strongly condemn and denounce the crimes of kidnapping foreigners and Journalists in Iraq and we demand that this hostage be immediately and unconditionally released. We express our solidarity and sympathy with the family and friends of these hostages. The freedom-loving people in Iraq are relentlessly struggling to liberate themselves from the wickedness of these Islamic groups. They call on the civilized humanity to support and build solidarity with them in their struggle for freedom and to get rid of the down spiral of violence and terrorist conflict between the USA and political Islam.
Aso Jabbar
Abroad Representation of FWCUI
Federation of Workers Councils and Unions in Iraq-FWCUI
15 February 2005
"Iraq Unions Solidarity" launched
At TUC Solidarity Conference, "Trade Unions in Iraq: What British Unions Can do to help" on February 14th, it was agreed to set up a grassroots Trade Union network to support, fundraise and co-ordinate efforts to support the Iraqi Trade Union movement, in line with TUC policy.
Owen Tudor, International Secretary of the TUC said, "There are some things the TUC cannot do, one is setting up grassroots organisations. This idea shows optimism of the will. Go ahead and do it."
To begin to set up the network, we will meet on Thursday March 3rd at 7.30pm, Calthorpe Arms, 252 Grays Inn Road, WC1.
You only need to bring your ideas and your optimism!
Contact iraqunionsolidarity@yahoo.com.
Owen Tudor, International Secretary of the TUC said, "There are some things the TUC cannot do, one is setting up grassroots organisations. This idea shows optimism of the will. Go ahead and do it."
To begin to set up the network, we will meet on Thursday March 3rd at 7.30pm, Calthorpe Arms, 252 Grays Inn Road, WC1.
You only need to bring your ideas and your optimism!
Contact iraqunionsolidarity@yahoo.com.
Sunday, February 13
FWCUI leader in London
Falih Alwan, president of the Federation of Workers' Councils and Unions of Iraq, is in Britain from 12 February 2005 to 24 February 2005.
He spoke at the TUC Iraq solidarity conference on Monday 14/02/05. During his stay in Britain he will also be speaking at other meetings, to give other activists a chance to hear about the new trade union movement in Iraq and in particular the recent wave of strikes there.
One meeting, hosted by No Sweat, was: Wednesday 16/02/05, 19:30, at room 2A, University of London Union, Malet St, London WC1.
No Sweat will also be helping to build a reception for Falih, sponsored by Battersea and Wandsworth Trades Union Council: Thursday 24/02/05, 18:30, at Bread and Roses, 68 Clapham Manor St, London SW4.
Please consult the Iraq Workers' Solidarity e-list for updates on other meetings with Falih.
He spoke at the TUC Iraq solidarity conference on Monday 14/02/05. During his stay in Britain he will also be speaking at other meetings, to give other activists a chance to hear about the new trade union movement in Iraq and in particular the recent wave of strikes there.
One meeting, hosted by No Sweat, was: Wednesday 16/02/05, 19:30, at room 2A, University of London Union, Malet St, London WC1.
No Sweat will also be helping to build a reception for Falih, sponsored by Battersea and Wandsworth Trades Union Council: Thursday 24/02/05, 18:30, at Bread and Roses, 68 Clapham Manor St, London SW4.
Please consult the Iraq Workers' Solidarity e-list for updates on other meetings with Falih.
Statement from the FWCUI Regarding the Targetting of Labour Activists
The appearance of the labor activists and leaders is considered one of the most important element of the civilized and liberation movement, and what characterizes the terrorists and anti human movements is its stand against the libertarian movements towards building a human society based on equality and modernism, and its stand and confrontation the labor activists and human rights activists.
They save no efforts to plot conspiracies to liquidate their opponents, which mean their bankruptcy and incapability to confront the mass movement that revolved around its leaders and activists.
Recently a group associated with Alsadir followers in Basra formed of Mohammed Alhamdany, Mohammed Ali Talib, Nezar Almuthaffar, Muayed Alugaily and Mohammed Fathel have planned to abduct a number of labor activists(Abu Watan, vice president of FWCUI in Basra) (Sami Hassan, secretary of FWCUI in Basra).
They first attempted seducing and bribing one of their relatives to plan for this operation and kill them eventually, which it is considered very common way to deal with their opponents.
The enemies of humanity and civilization were stunned and annoyed because of what the labor activists actions such as leading workers’ protests in Basra, formation of labor organizations, and leading the massive displaced people movement.
Meanwhile we call on all labor unions, human rights activists, and all libertarian powers to denounce these acts, we will continue our libertarian action that move people forward towards civilization and wipe out the criminal gangs, and open a horizon for a better world that vacant of crimes, exploitation, and human rights violation.
FWCUI
Feb.02.2005
They save no efforts to plot conspiracies to liquidate their opponents, which mean their bankruptcy and incapability to confront the mass movement that revolved around its leaders and activists.
Recently a group associated with Alsadir followers in Basra formed of Mohammed Alhamdany, Mohammed Ali Talib, Nezar Almuthaffar, Muayed Alugaily and Mohammed Fathel have planned to abduct a number of labor activists(Abu Watan, vice president of FWCUI in Basra) (Sami Hassan, secretary of FWCUI in Basra).
They first attempted seducing and bribing one of their relatives to plan for this operation and kill them eventually, which it is considered very common way to deal with their opponents.
The enemies of humanity and civilization were stunned and annoyed because of what the labor activists actions such as leading workers’ protests in Basra, formation of labor organizations, and leading the massive displaced people movement.
Meanwhile we call on all labor unions, human rights activists, and all libertarian powers to denounce these acts, we will continue our libertarian action that move people forward towards civilization and wipe out the criminal gangs, and open a horizon for a better world that vacant of crimes, exploitation, and human rights violation.
FWCUI
Feb.02.2005
Transcript of a speech by Hassan Juma'a, Iraqi Oil Union leader
Hassan Juma’a, President of the General Union of Oil Employees in Basra, spoke in London on 8 February and answered questions. The meeting was organised by Iraq Occupation Focus, and the interpreter was Sami Ramadani.
Greetings, my dear friends. I am very happy to meet this segment of British society, who stand with us in the ordeal we are living through in Iraq.
The Americans' greed in occupying Iraq is very well known and very clear to all. In 1975 a book was published by an American politician, Henry Kissinger, in which he outlined US policy in the Middle East. He stressed that the USA should control Middle East oil, and that, we believe, is the main reason why Iraq was invaded and occupied.
The former ruler of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was working as though he was an official of the State Department. The State Department could have removed him with an order of dismissal. But the USA felt it could handle things differently. Preparations were made against Iraq because Iraq is rich in natural resources.
I will briefly survey the Iraqi trade union scene in the 1950s. 1958 was the beginning of a new stage, with the 14 July revolution. Then we had the decision in 1987 by the Revolutionary Command Council, headed by Saddam Hussein, to transform workers into "civil servants" [so that they could not join unions]. With that decree, the identity of the biggest social group in Iraq, the working class, was deformed.
Nobody raised their voice to ask how the workers' identity could suddenly be changed into civil servants. Violations of workers' rights escalated.
Iraqi trade unions were established in the 1950s. Following the discovery of oil in the region, and the expansion of the sea ports, the unions became quite important. They demanded improvements in workers' conditions. In 1952 the oil union staged the first strike against the oil company, demanding improvement in the wages of the workers. That was followed in 1956 by a similar strike led by the port workers' union.
The 14 July revolution of 1958 transformed Iraq from a monarchy into a republic under the leadership of Abd al-Karim Qassem. Within a few days of that revolution those who controlled power in Iraq started to repress and oppress the trade union leaders.
But the biggest problems for the workers began in 1968, when the Ba'th party took control of Iraq through a military coup. Not until a month after that coup did Iraqis find out the real identity of the coup leaders. They hid their identity because they had captured power previously in 1963 and had written a black page for the Iraqi people.
Unions continued, but now under the umbrella of the Ba'thist ideology of unions serving the regime. The Ba'thists tried to make unions belong solely to the Ba'th party. Trade unions stopped demanding workers' rights and became mouthpieces for the regime. In fact they became security organisations, taking to task workers who demanded their rights.
That continued until 1987, when the decree was issued under which workers were transformed into "civil servants". Many people who did not understand the real meaning of the decree applauded it. One justification for the decree, according to Saddam Hussein when he appeared on television, was that women in Iraq did not want to marry a worker. He had taken the decision [to reclassify state-sector workers as "civil servants"] so that Iraqi women would marry workers.
The General Federation of Trade Unions used to get a lot of state funding through deductions from workers' salaries. It owned a lot of property. The decree also enabled the regime to control all the money going into the workers' social security scheme.
The situation of the workers in the state sector was extremely bad. As regards benefits accrued to the employees, a lot of distinctions were made between one group and another. For example, in the Southern Oil Company the general manager got a share of profits of one million dinars while the workers got five thousand.
Moving forward to April 2003, when the occupation forces entered Basra - some union activists decided to form an oil workers' union to protect the national economy. We knew very well that the Americans and their allies had come for the oil. When the British forces entered Basra they protected the oil installations, leaving the universities, the hospitals, and so on to be burned or looted.
We established a nine-member committee on 20 April to protect production and to liaise with the administration. That happened in conditions of extreme chaos across the country.
There are ten oil companies in Basra. We established unions there and then we started our second fight against the Americans.
Paul Bremer's decrees banned the formation of trade unions and associations in order to protect US interests. [They said that the 1987 decree remained in force]. We expected that the living standards of the workers would increase, but a table of wages was issued by Paul Bremer with eleven steps, where the oil workers' wage was set at the equivalent of $35. That was strange for a country which has the second largest oil reserves in the world.
Meanwhile, workers brought from Asia by KBR [a subsidiary of the US corporation Hallliburton, granted contracts by the occupation authorities for reconstruction] were getting twenty times as much.
In the oil union we objected to the wages decision. The US administration refused to listen to us, so we staged a strike on 10 August 2003. We stopped oil exports for three days. It forced the Americans, the Oil Ministry, and the Finance Ministry to scrap the two lowest scales in the wages table.
We think it's important KBR gets out, because we believe that US strategy is that military occupation should be followed by economic occupation. They plan to privatise the oil sector and all other economic sectors, and we think the US has the dominant position in privatising the oil industry.
Iyad Allawi has told the Oil Council, in the Ministry of Oil, that the decisions about privatising the oil industry should be kept secret and should not be revealed to the national assembly.
Most of the major pumping stations were controlled by the USA. KBR brought in an Indian company and a Kuwaiti company, which, when there was such high unemployment in Iraq, brought in 1200 workers from Asia. We cannot deal with these companies because they are protected by US tanks and forces. We tried to enter negotiations with the Kuwaiti company, and succeeded in getting 1000 Iraqi workers employed and having 1000 of those brought in by the Kuwaiti company sent home.
Pressure on KBR forced it to withdraw from the pumping stations and to give the work to Iraqis.
Because we succeeded in imposing those restrictions on KBR, it started to become very obstructive about supplies of simple things like spectacles - instead of making them available within a day or two, they delayed them for months.
The USA was planning that no Iraqi oil should be exported until four years after the occupation. They were surprised to find Iraqi workers were able to restore production after two months - for humanitarian reasons, because the money was needed. That forced the USA to revise its policy on the question of oil exports and rebuilding of the oil installations.
I attended four meetings with the head of the Southern Oil Company, but in those meetings I found nothing that served Iraqis. They were focused on obstructing the production process. Our problems in the oil sector are still there, and transgressions of workers' rights are continuing.
The Oil Ministry was supposed to activate two companies within the oil sector - the oil digging company and the oil transport company. Those two sectors are vital, and to freeze their activities means to destroy the oil sector.
We are opposed to privatisation. The reason is very clear. The servants of the old regime took with them vast amounts of money, and if the oil installations are put up for sale, we are convinced that these agents of Saddam's regime will try to purchase them.
We greet you all because we know that you have stood by us in our hour of need. We appreciate that very much, and we stand by all those who stand by us.
[Have Iraqi political parties campaigned against privatisation?]
We hope that all the parties which took part in the elections will adopt that stand. All that is left for Iraq in terms of natural resources is the oil. The entire infrastructure of Iraq has been destroyed.
Please don't take my remarks as being for or against the elections. Since the entry of the occupation forces in Iraq, Iraq has still been working with Saddam Hussein's laws. We hope that the elected government, though not fully legitimate, will take us forward.
We don't think this government will have a magic wand to stop all violence. But certainly there will be some change. We hope that the new government will provide security.
There is confusion between the resistance and those who carry out acts of violence, the suicide bombers etc., who are hurting Iraqis more than the Americans.
We have heard bin Laden's recent statement appointing Zarqawi prince of Iraq. Obviously those people have their agents and people working with them, and they don't want to see a stable Iraq.
[Under the US occupation authority decrees] what is underground cannot be privatised. But oil companies could be brought in to extract the oil. Those concessions could be given to American companies.
Before the elections I met religious and other political parties. I felt that they were all opposed to privatisation. What they will do when they come to power, only God knows.
As far as the trade unions are concerned, God willing we can stop this project, even if we have to give our blood in the process.
[Have the unions tried to organise those foreign workers, brought in by contractors, who remain in Iraq?]
The Kuwaiti company, when it came into Iraq, changed its name to the "Iraqi National Company". In reality the company was never registered as an Iraqi company.
The workers brought in by these companies are in very special conditions. Most of them are mechanics [engineers?]. Maybe the mechanics' section of the union can handle their case. But it's a very difficult situation because these workers are under very strict control.
It is a new situation for Iraq, because previously the law forbade oil companies to bring workers into the country other than high-level experts. All other work had to be handled by Iraqis.
In any case, the Kuwaiti company has withdrawn from Iraq, because one of their managers and their doctor were assassinated.
[Does Hassan's union, based in Basra, have links with oil workers in the north of Iraq?]
Yes. Our aim is to establish one oil workers' union for the whole of Iraq. We are the biggest in terms of number of workers, geographical area, and volume of production. We have good links with the unions in Kirkuk and other centres.
[What are the oil union's relation with other unions in Iraq?]
There are three union federations in Iraq. The first is the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, which gained recognition from the regime of Iyad Allawi. According to law, outside bodies should not recognise this body, because it has been imposed by the government. If a government gives legitimacy to one union, that union will not oppose the government or protect workers' rights.
This federation was formed on the principle of coalition - [a committee with] five members from Allawi's party, five Communist Party members, and five from the Arab Socialist Movement. The president of this federation is a deputy in Iyad Allawi's party.
The second federation has people within it who claim to be independent and a group which belongs to the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, and some from the Dawa party [an older Islamist party, which like SCIRI has participated in the Interim Government].
The third federation, led by Falih Alwan, belongs to the Worker-communist Party [the Federation of Workers' Councils and Unions of Iraq].
The southern oil workers' union decided to remain independent, though personally I know people from all these federations and work with them.
For 35 years we lived under one party rule. Each one of us has his own convictions and ideology - Communist, or Dawa party member. We should leave those political identities out of union work. Unfortunately, it does not happen like that.
Coordination between the unions is ongoing, because we have a common purpose - how to gain rights for the workers, and how to plan to expel the occupation forces.
[What about the old Ba'thist union federation, the GFTU?]
At the last meeting, held in Amman, of the Arab labour organisation, the three federations that I named were invited. I was also invited. I did not go, but the general secretary of the oil workers' union went. He told me what happened at the meeting.
Three men and a woman came to the meeting from the old regime and said that they also represented workers in Iraq. The leader of the Arab labour movement, an Algerian, tried to expel them from the meeting. These are people who change their colour according to the circumstances. If the water is blue, they are blue; if the water is green, they turn green. God willing, they will not have their way.
[Have unions taken directly political action?]
The production area in the Najaf regime stopped work during the US attack on Najaf. As regards the union's influence on general policy, it is represented on the Oil Council in the Ministry of Oil. The Oil Council has control over raising or lowering production. We have the power and the muscle that if we stop production for one day, the government will surely listen to us.
[Have US/UK troops intervened in industrial disputes?]
The Kuwaiti company had an industrial dispute. The welders had not been paid their full wages, and they went on strike. An American manager came in and told them that if they did not end the strike, he would bring US forces in.
In another strike, against the same company, US tanks actually came in and stood between the strikers and the company management.
Those incidents were not reported in the media.
The unions must unite with and cooperate with all forces that want to end the occupation. The unions are like any Iraqi who wants to end the occupation. They must use all available means to do that. We do not want to be outside that arena of struggle.
Remember, in terms of industrial workers, we represent about 50% of those workers. In the southern oil sector, we have about 23,000 employees, not counting the port workers, the railway workers, etc. If we all unite, then we could produce some effective results.
[Oil production levels?]
At one time, under the old regime, oil production levels were extremely high, though there was no much gain for the people. Production reached 4,350,000 barrels a day, and the price was $36 a barrel. You could create quite an advanced society with those sums. Regrettably, the money was used to prop up the military-industrial complex.
Today, probably about 1.8 million barrels a day are being exported, and total production is about 2.5 million barrels.
Since we succeeded in eliminating the two bottom wage scales, the relative economic position of the workers has improved, although it is nowhere near where we are aiming for. Under the sanctions regime, at one point, a teacher's salary was the equivalent of only five kilograms of flour, so the situation was desperate. There is a relative improvement now, which the union has fought for.
[Until recently the Southern Oil Company Union was affiliated to the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions. What are its relations now?]
We were never part of that federation, because we questioned its legitimacy. We think the information that we were part of it has come from someone called Abdullah Muhsin, in Britain, who has good relations with Members of Parliament and others here*.
I have been nominated by the Arab labour organisation to coordinate between the oil workers' unions in Iraq and the oil workers' unions in Iran. So how could we be affiliated to the IFTU, if the Arab labour organisation deals with us independently?
In fact, I have document issued by the president of the IFTU to the Arab labour organisation declaring that the IFTU will dissolve itself after the election of a new government in Iraq.
[What are the union's relations with the unemployed or with unemployed organisations?]
We don't formally work with the unemployed in an organised way, but we do our best to find work for them. My frankness in answering such questions always gets me in trouble with some political forces back in Iraq. The unemployed workers' union belongs to the Worker-communist Party, and I don't want to tread on their toes.
[The current situation with foreign workers in the oil industry?]
The Americans and the terrorists have done their best to keep foreigners out of Iraq, as part of sabotaging economic conditions in Iraq. The security situation means that there are no foreign workers now.
* The information about the Southern Oil Company Union's affiliation to the IFTU came not from Abdullah Muhsin, who is the British representative of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, but from Ewa Jasiewicz, an activist who spent several months in Basra working with the SOCU and who, in fact, chaired Hassan's meeting. See http://www.workersliberty.org/files/Occupied_Basra_19.pdf. Ewa was reporting the SOCU as affiliated to the IFTU as recently as November 2004: see http://www.workersliberty.org/node/view/3417. I spoke with Hassan Juma'a after the 8 February meeting, through a different interpreter, and he said yes, the SOCU had in the past "coordinated with" the IFTU "in the interests of unity".
Greetings, my dear friends. I am very happy to meet this segment of British society, who stand with us in the ordeal we are living through in Iraq.
The Americans' greed in occupying Iraq is very well known and very clear to all. In 1975 a book was published by an American politician, Henry Kissinger, in which he outlined US policy in the Middle East. He stressed that the USA should control Middle East oil, and that, we believe, is the main reason why Iraq was invaded and occupied.
The former ruler of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, was working as though he was an official of the State Department. The State Department could have removed him with an order of dismissal. But the USA felt it could handle things differently. Preparations were made against Iraq because Iraq is rich in natural resources.
I will briefly survey the Iraqi trade union scene in the 1950s. 1958 was the beginning of a new stage, with the 14 July revolution. Then we had the decision in 1987 by the Revolutionary Command Council, headed by Saddam Hussein, to transform workers into "civil servants" [so that they could not join unions]. With that decree, the identity of the biggest social group in Iraq, the working class, was deformed.
Nobody raised their voice to ask how the workers' identity could suddenly be changed into civil servants. Violations of workers' rights escalated.
Iraqi trade unions were established in the 1950s. Following the discovery of oil in the region, and the expansion of the sea ports, the unions became quite important. They demanded improvements in workers' conditions. In 1952 the oil union staged the first strike against the oil company, demanding improvement in the wages of the workers. That was followed in 1956 by a similar strike led by the port workers' union.
The 14 July revolution of 1958 transformed Iraq from a monarchy into a republic under the leadership of Abd al-Karim Qassem. Within a few days of that revolution those who controlled power in Iraq started to repress and oppress the trade union leaders.
But the biggest problems for the workers began in 1968, when the Ba'th party took control of Iraq through a military coup. Not until a month after that coup did Iraqis find out the real identity of the coup leaders. They hid their identity because they had captured power previously in 1963 and had written a black page for the Iraqi people.
Unions continued, but now under the umbrella of the Ba'thist ideology of unions serving the regime. The Ba'thists tried to make unions belong solely to the Ba'th party. Trade unions stopped demanding workers' rights and became mouthpieces for the regime. In fact they became security organisations, taking to task workers who demanded their rights.
That continued until 1987, when the decree was issued under which workers were transformed into "civil servants". Many people who did not understand the real meaning of the decree applauded it. One justification for the decree, according to Saddam Hussein when he appeared on television, was that women in Iraq did not want to marry a worker. He had taken the decision [to reclassify state-sector workers as "civil servants"] so that Iraqi women would marry workers.
The General Federation of Trade Unions used to get a lot of state funding through deductions from workers' salaries. It owned a lot of property. The decree also enabled the regime to control all the money going into the workers' social security scheme.
The situation of the workers in the state sector was extremely bad. As regards benefits accrued to the employees, a lot of distinctions were made between one group and another. For example, in the Southern Oil Company the general manager got a share of profits of one million dinars while the workers got five thousand.
Moving forward to April 2003, when the occupation forces entered Basra - some union activists decided to form an oil workers' union to protect the national economy. We knew very well that the Americans and their allies had come for the oil. When the British forces entered Basra they protected the oil installations, leaving the universities, the hospitals, and so on to be burned or looted.
We established a nine-member committee on 20 April to protect production and to liaise with the administration. That happened in conditions of extreme chaos across the country.
There are ten oil companies in Basra. We established unions there and then we started our second fight against the Americans.
Paul Bremer's decrees banned the formation of trade unions and associations in order to protect US interests. [They said that the 1987 decree remained in force]. We expected that the living standards of the workers would increase, but a table of wages was issued by Paul Bremer with eleven steps, where the oil workers' wage was set at the equivalent of $35. That was strange for a country which has the second largest oil reserves in the world.
Meanwhile, workers brought from Asia by KBR [a subsidiary of the US corporation Hallliburton, granted contracts by the occupation authorities for reconstruction] were getting twenty times as much.
In the oil union we objected to the wages decision. The US administration refused to listen to us, so we staged a strike on 10 August 2003. We stopped oil exports for three days. It forced the Americans, the Oil Ministry, and the Finance Ministry to scrap the two lowest scales in the wages table.
We think it's important KBR gets out, because we believe that US strategy is that military occupation should be followed by economic occupation. They plan to privatise the oil sector and all other economic sectors, and we think the US has the dominant position in privatising the oil industry.
Iyad Allawi has told the Oil Council, in the Ministry of Oil, that the decisions about privatising the oil industry should be kept secret and should not be revealed to the national assembly.
Most of the major pumping stations were controlled by the USA. KBR brought in an Indian company and a Kuwaiti company, which, when there was such high unemployment in Iraq, brought in 1200 workers from Asia. We cannot deal with these companies because they are protected by US tanks and forces. We tried to enter negotiations with the Kuwaiti company, and succeeded in getting 1000 Iraqi workers employed and having 1000 of those brought in by the Kuwaiti company sent home.
Pressure on KBR forced it to withdraw from the pumping stations and to give the work to Iraqis.
Because we succeeded in imposing those restrictions on KBR, it started to become very obstructive about supplies of simple things like spectacles - instead of making them available within a day or two, they delayed them for months.
The USA was planning that no Iraqi oil should be exported until four years after the occupation. They were surprised to find Iraqi workers were able to restore production after two months - for humanitarian reasons, because the money was needed. That forced the USA to revise its policy on the question of oil exports and rebuilding of the oil installations.
I attended four meetings with the head of the Southern Oil Company, but in those meetings I found nothing that served Iraqis. They were focused on obstructing the production process. Our problems in the oil sector are still there, and transgressions of workers' rights are continuing.
The Oil Ministry was supposed to activate two companies within the oil sector - the oil digging company and the oil transport company. Those two sectors are vital, and to freeze their activities means to destroy the oil sector.
We are opposed to privatisation. The reason is very clear. The servants of the old regime took with them vast amounts of money, and if the oil installations are put up for sale, we are convinced that these agents of Saddam's regime will try to purchase them.
We greet you all because we know that you have stood by us in our hour of need. We appreciate that very much, and we stand by all those who stand by us.
[Have Iraqi political parties campaigned against privatisation?]
We hope that all the parties which took part in the elections will adopt that stand. All that is left for Iraq in terms of natural resources is the oil. The entire infrastructure of Iraq has been destroyed.
Please don't take my remarks as being for or against the elections. Since the entry of the occupation forces in Iraq, Iraq has still been working with Saddam Hussein's laws. We hope that the elected government, though not fully legitimate, will take us forward.
We don't think this government will have a magic wand to stop all violence. But certainly there will be some change. We hope that the new government will provide security.
There is confusion between the resistance and those who carry out acts of violence, the suicide bombers etc., who are hurting Iraqis more than the Americans.
We have heard bin Laden's recent statement appointing Zarqawi prince of Iraq. Obviously those people have their agents and people working with them, and they don't want to see a stable Iraq.
[Under the US occupation authority decrees] what is underground cannot be privatised. But oil companies could be brought in to extract the oil. Those concessions could be given to American companies.
Before the elections I met religious and other political parties. I felt that they were all opposed to privatisation. What they will do when they come to power, only God knows.
As far as the trade unions are concerned, God willing we can stop this project, even if we have to give our blood in the process.
[Have the unions tried to organise those foreign workers, brought in by contractors, who remain in Iraq?]
The Kuwaiti company, when it came into Iraq, changed its name to the "Iraqi National Company". In reality the company was never registered as an Iraqi company.
The workers brought in by these companies are in very special conditions. Most of them are mechanics [engineers?]. Maybe the mechanics' section of the union can handle their case. But it's a very difficult situation because these workers are under very strict control.
It is a new situation for Iraq, because previously the law forbade oil companies to bring workers into the country other than high-level experts. All other work had to be handled by Iraqis.
In any case, the Kuwaiti company has withdrawn from Iraq, because one of their managers and their doctor were assassinated.
[Does Hassan's union, based in Basra, have links with oil workers in the north of Iraq?]
Yes. Our aim is to establish one oil workers' union for the whole of Iraq. We are the biggest in terms of number of workers, geographical area, and volume of production. We have good links with the unions in Kirkuk and other centres.
[What are the oil union's relation with other unions in Iraq?]
There are three union federations in Iraq. The first is the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, which gained recognition from the regime of Iyad Allawi. According to law, outside bodies should not recognise this body, because it has been imposed by the government. If a government gives legitimacy to one union, that union will not oppose the government or protect workers' rights.
This federation was formed on the principle of coalition - [a committee with] five members from Allawi's party, five Communist Party members, and five from the Arab Socialist Movement. The president of this federation is a deputy in Iyad Allawi's party.
The second federation has people within it who claim to be independent and a group which belongs to the Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq, and some from the Dawa party [an older Islamist party, which like SCIRI has participated in the Interim Government].
The third federation, led by Falih Alwan, belongs to the Worker-communist Party [the Federation of Workers' Councils and Unions of Iraq].
The southern oil workers' union decided to remain independent, though personally I know people from all these federations and work with them.
For 35 years we lived under one party rule. Each one of us has his own convictions and ideology - Communist, or Dawa party member. We should leave those political identities out of union work. Unfortunately, it does not happen like that.
Coordination between the unions is ongoing, because we have a common purpose - how to gain rights for the workers, and how to plan to expel the occupation forces.
[What about the old Ba'thist union federation, the GFTU?]
At the last meeting, held in Amman, of the Arab labour organisation, the three federations that I named were invited. I was also invited. I did not go, but the general secretary of the oil workers' union went. He told me what happened at the meeting.
Three men and a woman came to the meeting from the old regime and said that they also represented workers in Iraq. The leader of the Arab labour movement, an Algerian, tried to expel them from the meeting. These are people who change their colour according to the circumstances. If the water is blue, they are blue; if the water is green, they turn green. God willing, they will not have their way.
[Have unions taken directly political action?]
The production area in the Najaf regime stopped work during the US attack on Najaf. As regards the union's influence on general policy, it is represented on the Oil Council in the Ministry of Oil. The Oil Council has control over raising or lowering production. We have the power and the muscle that if we stop production for one day, the government will surely listen to us.
[Have US/UK troops intervened in industrial disputes?]
The Kuwaiti company had an industrial dispute. The welders had not been paid their full wages, and they went on strike. An American manager came in and told them that if they did not end the strike, he would bring US forces in.
In another strike, against the same company, US tanks actually came in and stood between the strikers and the company management.
Those incidents were not reported in the media.
The unions must unite with and cooperate with all forces that want to end the occupation. The unions are like any Iraqi who wants to end the occupation. They must use all available means to do that. We do not want to be outside that arena of struggle.
Remember, in terms of industrial workers, we represent about 50% of those workers. In the southern oil sector, we have about 23,000 employees, not counting the port workers, the railway workers, etc. If we all unite, then we could produce some effective results.
[Oil production levels?]
At one time, under the old regime, oil production levels were extremely high, though there was no much gain for the people. Production reached 4,350,000 barrels a day, and the price was $36 a barrel. You could create quite an advanced society with those sums. Regrettably, the money was used to prop up the military-industrial complex.
Today, probably about 1.8 million barrels a day are being exported, and total production is about 2.5 million barrels.
Since we succeeded in eliminating the two bottom wage scales, the relative economic position of the workers has improved, although it is nowhere near where we are aiming for. Under the sanctions regime, at one point, a teacher's salary was the equivalent of only five kilograms of flour, so the situation was desperate. There is a relative improvement now, which the union has fought for.
[Until recently the Southern Oil Company Union was affiliated to the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions. What are its relations now?]
We were never part of that federation, because we questioned its legitimacy. We think the information that we were part of it has come from someone called Abdullah Muhsin, in Britain, who has good relations with Members of Parliament and others here*.
I have been nominated by the Arab labour organisation to coordinate between the oil workers' unions in Iraq and the oil workers' unions in Iran. So how could we be affiliated to the IFTU, if the Arab labour organisation deals with us independently?
In fact, I have document issued by the president of the IFTU to the Arab labour organisation declaring that the IFTU will dissolve itself after the election of a new government in Iraq.
[What are the union's relations with the unemployed or with unemployed organisations?]
We don't formally work with the unemployed in an organised way, but we do our best to find work for them. My frankness in answering such questions always gets me in trouble with some political forces back in Iraq. The unemployed workers' union belongs to the Worker-communist Party, and I don't want to tread on their toes.
[The current situation with foreign workers in the oil industry?]
The Americans and the terrorists have done their best to keep foreigners out of Iraq, as part of sabotaging economic conditions in Iraq. The security situation means that there are no foreign workers now.
* The information about the Southern Oil Company Union's affiliation to the IFTU came not from Abdullah Muhsin, who is the British representative of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions, but from Ewa Jasiewicz, an activist who spent several months in Basra working with the SOCU and who, in fact, chaired Hassan's meeting. See http://www.workersliberty.org/files/Occupied_Basra_19.pdf. Ewa was reporting the SOCU as affiliated to the IFTU as recently as November 2004: see http://www.workersliberty.org/node/view/3417. I spoke with Hassan Juma'a after the 8 February meeting, through a different interpreter, and he said yes, the SOCU had in the past "coordinated with" the IFTU "in the interests of unity".
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